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THE 



PRE-COLUMBIAN 

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA, 

BT 

THK NORTHMBN, 

WITH * 

TRANSLATIONS FROM THE ICELANDIC SAGAS. 

BY 

b!' FrDE COSTA. 

SECOND EDITION. 




ALBANY, N. Y.: 

JOEL MUNSELL'S sons, PUBLISHERS. 

1890. 



CONTENTS. 



I. Preface. 

II. General Introduction. — Historic Fancies; The Sea of Darkness; 
Juba's Expedition; Traditions; The Northmen; The Coloniza- 
tion of Iceland; Settlement of Greenland; Organization of the 
Church; Monuments and Ruins; Explorations in Greenland; 
The Decline of Greenland; Lost Greenland Found; The Char- 
acter and Achievements of the Northmen; The Ships of the 
Northmen; The Literature of Iceland; The Manuscripts; The 
Truthfulness of the Narratives; Early Voyages from England 
to Iceland. 

III. Gunnbiorn and his Rocks. 

IV, Eric the Red's voyages to Greenland and settle- 

ment, A. D. 983-986. 

V. Biarne Heriulfsson's voyage to the coast of 

America, A. D. 986. 

VI. Leif Ericson's voyage to Vinland, - - - A. D. 1000-1001. 

VII. Thorvald Ericson's voyage to Vinland, - A. D. 1002. 

VIII. Thorstein Ericson's attempt to Seek Vinland, A. D. 1005. 

IX. Thorfinn Karlsefne's settlement in Vinland, A. D. 1006-1009. 

X. Freydis's voyage and settlement in Vinland, A. D. 1010-1012. 



MINOR NARRATIVES. 
I. Are Marson's Sojourn in Hvitramannaland, - - A. D. 983. 
II. Voyage of Biorn Asbrandson, . . - . A. D. 999. 

III. Gudleif Gudlaugson's voyage, - - - - A. D. 1027. 

IV. Allusions to Voyages found in Ancient Manuscripts. 
V. Geographical Fragments. 



PREFACE. 



The chief aim of this work is to place within the reach of 
the English-reading public every portion of the Icelandic- 
Sagas relating to the Pre-Columbian Discovery of America 
by the Northmen, and to the steps by which that dis 
covery was preceded. The reader will, therefore, find in 
this volume material from the Sagas not to be found in any 
other work in an English form. 

The Sagas have been left, in the main, to tell their own 
story, though the necessary notes and explanations have 
been added. 

So long ago as the year 1838, a distinguished writer in 
the North American Review^ in closing a valuable and 
appreciative article on the Sagas relating to America, said : 
"We trust that some zealous student of these subjects will 
be immediately found, who will put the Icelandic authorities 
into an English dress, and pi-epare them, with proper literary 
apparatus, for the perusal of the general reader." 

More than twenty years ago this suggestion was acted 
upon by the writer. Availing himself of the studies of 
those who had preceded him, he brought out a volume 
devoted to the subject. That work, howev^er, owing to an 
unexpected demand, soon went out of print; while the 
progress of discussion, and the nearness of the proposed 
Columbian Celebration, seem to justify a new publication. 



6 Peeface. 

In treating the Sagas, the writer has not felt called upon 
to modify his views on any important point, and, substan- 
tially, his interpretation of these documents is the same as 
that undertaken in the original work. Time has only served 
to strengthen his belief in the historical character of the 
Sagas, while all his geographical studies point now as form- 
erly to New England as the scene of the IlTorthman's 
exploits, many of which have left no record, though val- 
uable traces of Icelandic occupation may yet be found 
between Cape Cod and Kova Scotia, 

The author is strengthened in his opinions, not only by his 
own studies, but by the growing favor with which the pro- 
foundest scholars in Europe regard the Icelandic historical 
literature. Everywhere societies, as well as distinguished 
students of history, are in one way or another expressing 
their belief in the authenticity of the Sagas relating to the 
Pre-Columbian Discovery of America. Speaking of the 
Icelandic voyagers, and their acquaintance with America, 
Professor Max Muller says : " I have met with nothing to 
shake my belief in the fact that the Northmen possessed 
such knowledge." * 

This work is not issued with any intention of seeking to 
detract from the glory of the achievements of Columbus, 
though we should remember that the time is rapidly ap- 
proaching when history will summon us to honor the 
Cabots, tlie great fellow countrymen of the Genoese, who 
saw the Continent of America before Columbus himself 
viewed it. Tlie desire is to place before the reader the 
story which precedes that of 1492, and which is so interest- 
ing and important. 

The author hopes that the text of the Sagas has not been 

* Letter to tlie Author, August 14, 1889. 



Preface. 7 

misinterpreted, or left obscure, especially as the Sagas relat- 
ing to the Pre-Columbian voyages are given in Professor 
Rafn's work on the Antiquities of America, accompanied 
by helpful notes and versions in Latin and Danish. In 
every thing relating to the latter tongue, the author has had 
the invaluable assistance and advice of one who has spoken 
it from childhood. He has also had most important and 
indispensable aid in connection with the Icelandic. 

The grammatical structure of the Icelandic is simple, and 
the aim has been throughout to maintain this simplicity in 
the translations, so far as the genius of our own tongue 
would permit. This work being strictly historical, both in 
spirit and design, the poetical extracts which occur here and 
there are translated as literally as possible, without any 
attempt to garnish them with metre and rhyme. Neverthe- 
less examples in rhyme are given in the Notes. 

It will be seen that the author differs on some points 
from Professor Raf n ; yet it is believed that if that great 
student of Northern Antiquities could have gone over the 
subject again, studying it on the ground, and amid the 
scenes in which so many of the exploits of the Northmen 
were performed, he would have modified some of his views. 

On the other hand, the author has sought to strengthen 
several of the conclusions of that noble and laborious inves- 
tigator, and particularly by bringing out more fully the 
truthfulness of the Icelandic descriptions of the coast of 
Cape Cod, which centuries ago presented an aspect that it 
does not now possess. 

Let us remember, too, that in vindicating the Northmen 
we honor those who not onl}' gave us the first knowledge 
])08sessed of the American Continent, but to whom we are 
indebted for much beside tliat we esteem valuable. In 



8 Preface. 

reality we fable in a great measure when we speak of our 
" Saxon inheritance." It is rather from the Northmen that 
we have derived our vital energy, oar freedom of thought, 
and, in a measure that we do not yet suspect, our strength 
of speech. Yet, happily, the people are fast becoming con- 
scious of their indebtedness ; so that it is to be hoped that 
the time is not far distant when the ISTorthmen may be 
recognized in their right social, political and literary char- 
acters, and at the same time, as navigators, assume their 
true position in the Pre-Columbian Discovery of America. 



PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOYERY. 



GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 

HISTORIC FANCIES. 

Before the plains of Europe rose above tlie primeval seas, 
the Continent of America emerged from the watery waste 
that encircled the whole globe, and became the scene of ani- 
mate life. The so-called New World is in reality the Old, 
and bears abundant proofs of hoary age. But at what 
period it became the abode of man we are unable even to 
conjecture. Down to the close of the tenth century of the 
Christian era it had no written history. Traces of a rude 
civilization that suggest a high antiquity are by no means 
wanting. Monuments and mounds remain that point to 
periods the contemplation of which would cause Chronos 
himself to grow giddy ; yet among all these great and often 
impressive memorials there is no monument, inscription or 
sculptured frieze that satisfactorily explains their origin. 
Tradition itself is dumb, and the theme chiefly kindles 
when brought within the realm of imagination. We can 
only infer that age after age nations and tribes rose to great- 
ness and then fell into decline, barbarism and a rude culture 
holding alternate sway.^ 

Nevertheless, men have enjoyed no small degree of satis- 
faction in conjuring up theories to explain the origin of the 
early races on the Western Continent. What a charm 
lingers around the supposed trans-Atlantic voyages of the 

' Of course we must not overlook the recent researches into 
the history of Central America, and especially the studies in 
connection with Yucatan. 

2 



10 Pre-Columbian Discovert of 

hardy riienician, the luxurious sailors of Tyre, and, later, 
of the bold Basque. What stories might the lost picture- 
records of Mexico and the chronicles of Dieppe tell. Now 
we are presented with the splendid view of great fleets, the 
, remnant of some conquered race, bearing across the ocean 
to re-create in new and unknown lands the cities and monu- 
ments thej were forever leaving behind ; and now it is 
simply the story of some storm-tossed mariner, who blindly 
drives across the sea to the western strand, and laj^s the 
foundation of empire. Again it is the devotee of mammon, 
in search of gainful traffic or golden fleece. How romantic 
is the picture of his little solitary bark setting out in the 
days of Roman greatness, or in the splendid age of Charle- 
magne, sailing trustingly away between the pillars of Her- 
cules, and tossing toward the Isles of the Blessed and the 
Fountains of Eternal Youth. In time the Ultima Thule 
of the known world is passed, and favoring gales bear the 
merchant-sailor to new and wondrous lands. We see him 
coasting the unknown shores, passing from cape to cape, 
and from bay to inlet, gazing upon the marvels of the New 
World, trafficking with the bronzed Indian, bartering curious 
wares for barbaric gold ; and then shaping his course again 
for the markets of the distant East, to pour strange tales 
into incredulous ears. Still this may not be all fancy. ^ 

THE SEA OF DARKNESS. 

In early times the Atlantic ocean, like all things without 
known bounds, was viewed by man with mixed feelings 
of fear and awe. It was called the Sea of Darkness. Yet, 
nevertheless, there were those who professed to have some 
knowledge of its extent, and of what lay beyond. The 
earliest reference to this sea is that by Theopompus, in the 

'Proceedings of ''The United States Catholic Historical 
Society," 1886, for October 29, 1885. The Eev. Joshua P. 
Bodfish has a paper on " The Discovery of America by the 
Northmen," in which (pp. 2-3-4-5) he helps himself to the 
author's Introduction without giving due credit. 



America by the Northmen. 11 

fourth century before the Christian era, given in a frag- 
ment of ^liau,^ where a vast island is described, lying far 
in the west, and peopled by strange races. To this we may 
add the reference of Plato- to the island called Atlantis, 
which lay west of the Pillars of Hercules, and which was 
estimated to be larger than Asia and Africa combined. 
Aristotle^ also thought that many other lands existed beyond 
the Atlantic. Plato supposed that the Atlantis was sunk 
by an earthquake, and Grantor declares that he found the 
same account related by the Priests of Sais three hundred 
years after the time of Solon, from whom the grandfather of 
Critias had his information. Plato says, that after the Atlantis 
disappeared, navigation was rendered too difficult to be at- 
tempted on account of the slime which resulted from the 
sinking of the land. It is probable that he had in mind the 
immense fields of drifting sea-weed found in that locality, 
estimated by Humboldt to cover a portion of the Atlantic 
ocean six times as large as all Germany. 

It is thought that Homer* obtained the idea of his Ely- 
sium in the Western ocean from the voyages of the Phe- 
nicians, who, as is well known, sailed regularly to the Brit- 
ish Islands. They are also supposed by some to have pushed 
their discoveries as far as the Western Continent. Cadiz, 
situated on the shore of Andalusia, was established by the 
Tyrians twelve centuries before the birth of Christ ; and 
when Cadiz, the ancient Gadir, was full five hundred years 
old, a Greek trader, Cohens, there bought rare merchandise, 
a long and severe gale having driven his ships beyond the 
Pillars of Hercules. 

THE PHENICIANS. 

In the ninth century before the Christian era, the Phe- 
nicians had established colonies on the western coast of 



^ Var. Hist, lib, iii, cap. xviii. 
* See Plato's " Critias and Timcsas." 
^ De Mundo, cap. iir. See " Prince Henry the Navigator,^' 
chap. VII, by Major, London, 1868. 
'''Odyssey;' book iv, 1. 765. 



12 Pre-Columbian Discovery of 

Africa ; and three hundred years later, according to Herod- 
otus, Pharaoli Necho, son of Psammiticus, sent an expedi- 
tion, manned by Phenician sailors, around the entire coast 
of Africa. Yivien de St. Martin fixes the date of this ex- 
pedition at 570 before Christ. St. Martin, in his account 
of the voyage, improves slightly upon the views of Carl 
Muller, and is followed by Bougainville.^ A notice of this 
voyage, performed by Hanno under the direction of Pha- 
raoh, was inscribed in the Punic language on a Carthage- 
nian temple, being afterward translated into Greek. 

That the Canary Islands were discovered and colonized 
by the Phenicians, there need be no doubt. Tradition had 
always located islands in that vicinity. Strabo speaks of 
the Islands of the Blessed, as lying not far from Mauritania, 
opposite Gadir or Cadiz. He distinctly says, " That those 
who pointed out these things were the Phenicians^ who, 
before the time of Homer, had possession of the best part 
of Africa and Spain."^ When we remember that the Phe- 
nicians sought to monopolize trade, and hold the knowledge 
of their commercial resorts a secret, it is not surprising that 
we should hear no more of the Fortunate Isles until about 
eighty-two years before Christ, when the Koman Sertorius 
met some Lusitanian sailors on the coast of Spain who had 
just returned from the Fortunate Isles. They are described 
as two delightful islands, separated by a narrow strait, dis- 
tant from Africa five hundred leagues. Twenty years after 
the death of Sertorius, Statins Sebosus drew up a chart of a 
group of five islands, each mentioned by name, and which 
Pliny calls the Hesperides, including the Fortunate Isles. 
This mention of the Canaries was sixty-three years before 
Christ. 

•tuba's expedition. 
When King Juba II returned to Mauritania, he sent an 
expedition to the Fortunate Isles. A fragment of the nar- 
ratives of this expedition is found in the works of Pliny. 

' See ^'Prince Henry the Navigator," p. 90. 
^ Strabo, lib. iii. 



Ameeica by the Northmen. 13 

The islands are described as lying south-west, six hundred 
and twenty-five miles from Purpurarise. To reach them 
from the latter place, they first sailed two hundred and fifty 
miles westward, and then three hundred and seventy-five 
miles eastward. Pliny says: "The first is called Ombrios, 
and affords no traces of buildings. It contains a pool in 
the midst of mountains, and trees like ferules, from which 
water may be pressed. It is bitter from the black kinds, 
but from the light kinds pleasant to drink. The second is 
called Junonia, and contains a small temple built entirely of 
stone. Near it is another smaller island having the same 
name. Then comes Capraria, which is full of large hzards. 
Within sight of these is Nivaria, named from the snow and 
fogs with which it is always covered. Not far from Ni- 
varia is Canaria, called thus on account of the great number 
of large dogs therein, two of which were brought to King 
Juba. There were traces of buildings in these islands. 
All the islands abound in apples, and in birds of every 
kind, and in palms covered with dates, and in the pine nut. 
There is also plenty of fish. The papyrus grows there, and 
the silurus fish is found in the rivers."^ 

The author of Prince Henry the Namgator^ says that in 
Ombrios, we recognize the Pluvialia of Sebosus. Con- 
vallis of Sebosus, in Pliny, becomes Nivaria, the Peak of 
Teneriffe, which lifts itself up to the majestic height of 
nine thousand feet, its snow-capped pinnacle seeming to 
pierce the sky. Planaria is displaced by Canaria, which 
term, first applied to the great central island, now gives the 
name to the whole group. Ombrios or Pluvialia, evidently 
means the island of Palma, which had " a pool in the midst 
of mountains," now represented by the crater of an extinct 
volcano. This the sailors of King Juba evidently saw. 
Major says : " The distance of this island [Palma] from 
Fuerteventura, agrees with that of the two hundred and 
fifty miles indicated by Juba's navigators as existing be- 

' Pliny's '^ Natural History," lib. vi, cap. xxxvii. 
^See p. 137. 



14 Pre-Columbian" Discovery of 

tween Ombrios and the Purpurariae. It has already been 
seen that the latter agree with Lancerote and Fuerteven 
tura, in respect of their distance, from the Continent and 
from each other, as described by Plutarch. That the Pur- 
purariae are not, as M. Borj de St. Vincent supposed, the 
Madeira group, is not only shown by the want of inhab- 
itants in the latter, but by the orchil, which supplies the 
purple dye, being derived from and sought for especially 
from the Canaries, and not from the Madeira group, although 
it is to be found there. Junonia," he continues, "the near- 
est to Ombrios, will be Gromera. It may be presumed that 
the temple found therein was, like the island, dedicated to 
Juno. Capraria, which implies the island of goats, agrees 
correctly with the island of Ferro, . . . for these animals were 
found there in large numbers when the island was invaded 
by Jean de Bethencourt, in 1402. But a yet more striking 
proof of the identity of this island with Capraria, is the 
account of the great number of lizards found therein. 
Bethencourt's chaplains, describing their visit to the islands, 
in 1402, state : ' There are lizards in it as big as cats, but 
they are harmless, although very hideous to look at.' '" 

We see, then, that the navigators of Juba visited the 
Canaries'* at an early period, as did the Phenicians, who 

' '^Prince Hejiry the Navigator," p. 137. 

''After this mention by Pliny, the Canaries, or Fortunate 
Isles, are lost sight of for a period of thirteen hundred years. 
In the reign of Edward III of England, at the beginning of 
the fourteenth century, one Robert Machin sailed from Bris- 
tol for France, carrying away a lady of rank, who had eloped 
with him, and was driven by a storm to the Canaries, where 
he landed, and thus re-discovered the lost Fortunate Isles. 
This fact is curiously established by Major, in the "Life of 
Prince Henryr so that it can no longer be regarded as an 
idle tale (see pp. 66-77). In 1341, a voyage was also made to 
the Canaries, under the auspices of King Henry of Portugal. 
The report, so widely circulated by De Barros, that the 
islands were re-discovered by Prince Henry is, therefore, incor- 
rect. His expedition reached Porto Santo and Madeira in 
1418-1420. 



America by the Northmen. 15 

doubtless built the temple in the island of Junonia. For 
aught we know, early navigators may have passed over 
to the Western Continent and laid the foundation of those 
strange nations whose monuments still remain. Both Phe- 
nician and Tyrian voyages to the Western Continent have 
been advocated; while Lord Kingsborough published his 
magnificent volumes on the Mexican Antiquities, to show 
that the Jews settled this Continent at an early day.^ If it 
is true that all the tribes of the earth sprang from one cen- 
tral Asiatic family, it is more than likely that the original 
inhabitants of the American Continent crossed the Atlantic, 
instead of piercing the frozen regions of the north, and com- 
ing in by the way of Behring Straits. From the Canaries to 
the coast of Florida, it is a short voyage, and the bold sailors 
of the Mediterranean, after touching at the Canaries, need 
only spread their sails before the steady-breathing monsoon, 
to find themselves wafted safely to the western shore. 

TRADITIONS. 

There was even a tradition that America was visited by 
St. Coluraba,^ and also by the Apostle St. Thomas,^ who 
penetrated even as far as Peru. This opinion is founded 
on the resemblance existing between certain rites and doc- 
trines which seem to have been held in common by Chris- 
tians and the early inhabitants of Mexico. The first Spanish 
missionaries were surprised to find the Mexicans bowing in 
adoration before the figure of the cross, and inferred that 
these people were of a Christian origin. Yet the inference 
has no special value, when we remember that Christianity 
is far less ancient than the symbol of the cross, which ex- 
isted among the Egyptians and other ancient people. 

' He also speculates upon the probability of this Continent 
having been visited by Christian missionaries. The Hebrew 
theory is hardly tenable, and must be classed with the specu- 
lations of the famous Major Noah. See vol. vi, p. 410. 

* Kingsborough's " Mexican Antiquities" vol. vi, p. 285. 

'Ibid., p. 332. 



16 Pre-Oolumbian" Discovert of 

Claims have also been made for the Irish. Broughton 
brings forward a passage in which St. Patrick is repre- 
sented as sending missionaries to the Isles of America.^ 
Another claim has been nrged of a more respectable 
character, which is supported by striking, though not con- 
clusive allusions in the chi-onicles of the North, in which 
a distant land is spoken of as " Ireland the Great." The 
Irish, in the early times, might easily have passed over to 
the Western Continent, for which voyage they undoubtedly 
had the facilities. Professor Rafn, after alluding to the 
well-known fact that the Northmen were preceded in 
Iceland by the Irish, says, that it is by no means im- 
probable that the Irish should also have anticipated them 
in America. The Irish were a sea-faring people, and have 
been assigned a Phenician origin by Moore and others who 
have examined the subject.^ If this is so, the tradition 
would appear to be somewhat strengthened. Even as early 
as the year 296, the Irish are said to have invaded Denmark 
with a large fleet. In 396, Niall made a descent upon the 
coast of Lancashire with a considerable navy, where he was 
met by the Roman, Stilicho, whose achievements were 

^ "Monastihon Britannicum," pp. 131-133, 187-188. The 
fact that the word America is here used, seems quite suffi- 
cient to upset the legend. Speaking of the claims to Pre- 
Columbian discovery at the west by the various eastern 
peoples, Mr. Winsor admits that " there is no good reason 
why any one of them may not have done all that is claimed." 
^'Narrative and Critical History of America," vol. i, p. 59. 

^ The Irish were early known as Scots, and O'Halloran de- 
rives the name from Scota, high priest of Phoenius, and 
ancestor of Mileseuis. 

Me quoque vicins pereuntem gentibus, inquit, . 
Munivit Stiliclio. Totam cum Scotus lernem, 
Movit et infesto spumavit remige Thetys. 

By him defended, when the neighboring hosts 
Of warlike nations spread along our coasts; 
When Scots came thundering from the Irish shores, 
And the wild ocean foamed with hostile oars. 



Ameeica by the Northmen. 17 

celebrated by Claudian in the days of the Eoman occupation 
of England. At that period the Irish were in most respects 
in advance of the Northmen, not yet having fallen into de- 
cline, and quite as likely as any people then existing to 
brave the dangers of an ocean voyage.^ The Icelandic docu- 
ments, clearly referring to the Irish, will be given in their 
proper place, and, in the meanwhile, it need only to be added, 
that the quotation given by the rather credulous Beamish 
from such an authority as tlie Turkish Spy will hardly tend 
to strengthen their claims, especially where its author, John 
Paul Marana, says that in Mexico " the British language is 
so prevalent," that '' the very towns, bridges, beasts, birds, 
rivers, hills, etc., are called by the British or Welsh ^ names."^ 

' Speaking of Britain and Ireland, Tacitus says of the latter, 
that "the approaches and harbors are better known, by rea- 
son of commerce and the merchants." — Vit. Agri., c. 24. 
The Irish, doubtless, mingled with the Carthagenians in mer- 
cantile transactions, and from them they not unlikely received 
the rites of Druidism. 

—^ There is a tradition of a "Welsh voyage to America under 
Prince Madoc, which relates to a period folloivi7ig the Icelandic 
voyages. This voyage by the son of Owen Gwyneth is fixed 
for the year 1170, and is based on a Welsh chronicle of no 
authority. See HacMuyt, vol. iii, p. 1. See, also, "Afnerica 
Discovered hy the Welsh in 3170," by Bowen, Philadelphia, 
1876; "An Enquiry into the Truth of the Tradition, concern- 
ing the Discovery of America hy Prince Madog ah Owen 
Oivyneth, aiout the year 1170, hy John Williams," etc., Lon- 
don, 1791, p. 85; and ''Farther Observations on the Discovery 
of America hy Prince Madog ab Oiuen Gwyneth," etc., 1792, 
p. 51. The following from the London Standard, September 
6, 1888, is timely: " Great interest was excited yesterday 
in North Wales by the announcement that the tomb of Madoc 
ap Gryffyddmaelor, a great Welsh warrior in the eleventh 
and twelfth centuries, grandson of Owen Gwynedd, Prince 
of Wales, had been discovered in the ruins of Valle Crucis 
Abbey, Llangollen. The Rev. H. T. Owen, warden of the 

^ Turkish Spy, vol. viii, p. 159. 
3 



18 Pre-Oolumbian Discovert of 

In truth, as the wish is so often father to the thought, it 
would be an easy task to find resemblance in the languages 
of the aborigines to almost any language that is spoken in 
onr day so far as mere sounds may be concerned. 

But, notwithstanding the prohabilities of the case, we 
have no soKd reason for accepting any of these alleged 
voyages as facts. Much labor has been given to the sub- 
ject, yet the early history of the American Continent is still 
veiled in mystery, and it is not until near the close of the 
tenth century of the present era that we can point to a 
genuine trans-Atlantic voyage. 

THE NORTHMEN. 

The first voyage to America, of which we have any 
account, was performed by Northmen. But who were the 

Northmen? 



abbey, who is now engaged upon some excavations, was 
searching for old stained glass in the dormitory, when he dis- 
interred a large stone slab, bearing the name of Madoc, and 
an inscription, which has not yet been fully deciphered. 
Down the center of the stone is an incised sword in sheath. 
Further excavations led to the discovery of four other stones, 
each about five feet by eighteen inches; two bear floriated 
crosses, one an inscribed spear, and the other a Grecian orna- 
ment. The stones form part of the vaulting of the corridor 
leading to the old burial ground of the monks. Madoc ap 
Gryffydd founded the abbey, which was a Cistercian Monas- 
tery, about the year 1200. After the venerable building be- 
came a ruin, the chapter-house and scriptorium were used 
for several generations as a farmstead, and were practically 
destroyed by fire. During the repairs it is conjectured that 
the stones of Madoc's tomb were used to complete the vault- 
ing. In 1851 the (Uhris covering the area of the abbey was 
removed by Lord Dungannon, and the tombs of benefactors 
buried in front of the high altar, the figure of a knight in chain 
armour, and a stone cofiin were laid bare. During the exca- 
vations of last year the monk's well and spring were discov- 
ered. Sir Theodore and Lady Martin and many others visited 
the ruins yesterday." 



America by the Northmen. 19 

The Northmen were the descendants of a race that in 
early times migrated from Asia and traveled toward the 
north, settling down in what is now the kingdom of Den- 
mark. From thence they overran Norway and Sweden, 
and afterward colonized Iceland and Greenland. Their 
language was the old Danish {Donsk timga) once spoken 
all over the north, ^ but which is now preserved in Iceland 
alone, being called the Icelandic or old Northern,^ upon 
which is founded the modern Swedish, Danish and Norse or 
Norwegian. 

After the Northmen had pushed on from Denmark to 
Norway, the condition of public affairs gradually became 
such that a large portion of the better classes found their 
life intolerable. In the reign of Harold Harfagr (the Fair- 
haired), an attempt was made by the king to deprive the 
petty jarls of their ancient udal or feudal rights, and to 
usurp all authority for the crown. To this the proud jarls 
would not submit ; and, feeling themselves degraded in the 
eyes of their retainers, they resolved to leave those lands 
and homes which they could now hardly call their own. 
Whither, then, should they go ? 

THE COLONIZATION OF ICELAND, 

In the cold North sea, a little below the Arctic circle, lay 
a great island. As early as the year 860, it had been made 
known to the Northmen by a Dane of Swedish descent 
named Gardar, who called it Gardar's Island, and four years 
later by the pirate Nadodd, who sailed thither in 864 and 
called it Snowland. Presenting in the main the form of an 
irregular ellipse, this island occupies an area of about one 
hundred and thirty-seven thousand square miles, affording 
the dull diversity of valleys without verdure and mountains 

'See "Northmen in Iceland/' Societe des Antiquaries du 
Nord, Seance du 14 Mai, 1859, pp. 12-14. 

"It is sometimes, though improperly, called the Norse. 
Societe des Antiquaries, etc., 1840-44, p. 165. 



20 Pre-Coltjmbiak Discovery of 

without trees.' Desolation has there fixed its abode. It 
broods among the dells, and looks down upon the gloomy 
fiords. The country is threaded with streams and dotted 
with tarns, yet the geologist finds but little evidence in the 
structure of the earth to point to the action of water. On 
the other hand, every rock and hillside is covered with signs 
that prove their igneous origin, and indicate that the entire 
island, at some distant period, has already seethed and bub- 
bled in the fervent heat, in anticipation of the long prom- 
ised Palingenesia. Even now the ground trembles in the 
throes of the earthquake, the Geyser spouts scalding water, 
and the plain belches mud; while the great jokull, clad in 
white robes of eternal snow — true priest of Ormuzd — 
brandishes aloft its volcanic torch, and threatens to be the 
incendiary of the sky. 

The greater portion of the land forms the homestead of 
the reindeer and the fox, who share their domain with the 
occasional white bear that may float over from Greenland 
on some berg. Only two quadrupeds, the fox and the 
moose, are indigenous. Life is here purchased with a strug- 
gle. Indeed the neighboring ocean is more hospitable than 
the dry laud. Of the thirty-four species of mammalia, 
twent}'- four find their food in the roaring main. The same 
is true of the feathered tribes, fifty-four out of ninety being 
water-fowl. Here and there may be seen patches of meadow 
and a few sheep pastures and tracts of arable land warmed 
into fruitfulness by the brief summer's sun ; yet, on the 
whole, so poor is the soil that man, like the lower orders, 
must eke out a scanty subsistence by resorting to the sea. 

It was toward this land, which the settlers called Zea- 
land, that the proud Norwegian jarl turned his eyes, and 
there he resolved to found a home. The first settler was 
Ingolf. He approached the coast in the year 875, threw 

' In the time when the Irish monks occupied the island, it 
is said that it was " covered with woods between the moun- 
tains and the shores." 



AmEEICA by the NORTHMEIS". 21 

overboard his sea-posts,^ and waited to see them touch the 
land. But in this he was disappointed, and those sacred 
columns, carved with the images of the gods, drifted away 
from sight. He nevertheless landed on a pleasant promon- 
tory at the south-eastern extremity of the island, and built 
his habitation on the spot which is called Ingolfshofdi to 
this day. Three jea^rs after, his servants found the sea- 
posts in the south-western part of the island, and hither, in 
obedience to what was held to be the expressed wish of the 
gods,^ he removed his household, laying the foundation of 
Reikiavik, the capital of this ice-bound isle. He was rapidly 
followed by others, and in a short time no inconsiderable 
population was gathered here. 

But the first Scandinavian settlers did not find this barren 
country entirely destitute of human beings. Ari Frode,^ 

' Setstakkar. These were wooden pillars carved with 
images, usually of Thor and Odin. In selecting a place for 
a settlement these were flung overboard, and wherever they 
were thrown up on the beach, there the settlement was to be 
formed. 

^In another case a settler did not find his posts for twelve 
years, nevertheless he changed his abode then. lu Frithiof's 
Saga (American edition) chap, iii, p. 18, we find the fol- 
lowing allusion: 

' ' Through the whole length of the hall shone forth the table of oak 
wood, 
Brighter than steel, and polished; the pillars twain of the high seats 
Stood on each side thereof; two gods deep carved out of elm wood: 
Odin with glance of a king, and Frey with the sun on his forehead." 

^Ari Hinn Frode, or the Wise. The chief compiler of the 
famous Landanama Book, which contains a full account of all 
the early settlers in Iceland. It is of the same character, 
though vastly superior to the English "Doomsday Book^^ 
and is probably the most complete record of the kind ever 
made by any nation. It contains the names of 3,000 per- 
sons, and 1,400 places. It gives a correct account of the 
genealogies of the families, and brief notices of personal 



22 Pee-Columbian Discovery of 

than whom there is no higher authority, says : " Then 
were here Christian people whom the Northmen called 
papas, but they afterward went away, because they would 
not be here among heathens ; and left behind them Irish 
books, and bells, and croziers, from which it could be seen 
that they were Irishmen." He repeats substantially the 
same thing in the Landanama Book^ the authority of 
which, no one acquainted with the subject, will question, 
adding that books and other relics were found in the island 
of Papey and Papyli, and that the circumstance is also men- 
tioned in English books. The English writings referred to 
are those of the venerable Bede.^ This is also stated in an 

achievements. It was begun by Erode (born 1067, died 1148), 
and was continued by Kalstegg, Styrmer and Thorsden, and 
completed by Hauk Erlandson, Lagmau, or Governor of Ice- 
land, who died in the year 1334. 

"' Thus saith the holy priest Bede. . . . Therefore learned 
men think that it is Iceland which is called Thule. . . . But 
the holy priest Bede died dccxxxv years after the birth of 
our Lord Jesus Christ, more than a hundred years before 
Iceland was inhabited by the Northmen." Antiquitates 
Americance, p. 202. This extract is followed by the state- 
ment of Ari Erode, and shows that the Irish Christians retired 
to Iceland, at a very early day. The Irish monk Dicuil also 
refers to this solitary island, which, about the year 795, was 
visited by some monks with whom he had conversed. 

The earliest known movement northward from England 
was that inaugurated by King Arthur, about the year 505. 
The authority on this subject is Geoffrey of Monmouth, who 
was bishop of Saint Asaph in 1152, and who wrote the His- 
toria Britonum, a work which afforded a basis for the fables 
and romances of the ''Knights of the Round Table." Never- 
theless, whoever inclines to turn from all the statements of 
Geoffrey, for the reason that they contain much that is untrue, 
should ponder the well-considered words of Hume (" Eng- 
land," I, 38, ed. 1822), who says of the Prince of Silures: 
" This is that Arthur so much celebrated in the songs of 
Thaliessin and the other British bards, and whose military 



Amekica by the Northmen. 33 

edition of King Olaf Tryggvesson's Saga, made near the 
end of the fourteenth century. 

The monks or Culdees, who had come hither from Ire- 
land and the Isles of lona, to be alone with God, took their 
departure on the arrival of the heathen followers of Odin 
and Thor, and the Northmen were thus left in undisputed 
possession of the soil. In about twenty years the island 
became quite thickly settled, though the tide of immigra- 
tion continued to flow in strongly for fifty years, so that at 
the beginning of the tenth century Iceland possessed a popu- 

achievements have been blended with so many fables as even 
to give occasion for entertaining a doubt of his real existence. 
But poets," he continues, " though they disfigure the most 
certain history of their fictions, and use strange liberties with 
truth, where they are the sole historians, as among the Brit- 
ons, have commonly some foundation for their wildest exag- 
gerations." The Bishop of Saint Asaph, who was not a poet, 
may be credited, therefore, when he states such simple facts 
as that, about the year 505, King Arthur, after the conquest 
of Ireland, received the submission of the Orkneys and sailed 
to Iceland, " which he also subdued;"^ at a subsequent period 
overcommg his foes in Norway. (B. ix, c. 10.) The con- 
quest of Ireland cost much bloodshed, but that of Iceland, if 
he went there, must have been made without a struggle, since 
at that period there could not have been men enough to make 
any great resistance. 

Hakluyt (i, 1), treating this matter, quotes from Galfridus 
Monumetensis, who says that, after subduing Ireland, Ar- 
thur went to Iceland, and '•' brought it and the people thereof 
under his subjection." The same author mentions '' Malua- 
sius " as ''King" of Iceland, and tells of soldiers that he 
furnished. 

The " King," however, may be reduced to a figure of 
speech, while there could have been no soldiers, unless, in- 
deed, Arthur, as elsewhere stated, transported people to the 
north. See " Inventio Fortunata. Arctic . Exploration, 
with an account of Nicholas of Lynn," etc. By B. F. De 
Costa, New York, 1861, p. 5. 



34 Pre-Columbian Discovert of 

lation variously estimated from sixtj to seventy thousand 
souls. But few undertook the voyage who were not able to 
buy their own vessels, in which they carried over their own 
cattle, thralls, and household goods. So great was the num- 
ber of people who left IN^orway, that King Harold tried to 
prevent emigration by royal authority, though, as might 
have been predicted, his efforts were altogether in vain. 
Here, in Iceland, therefore, was formed a large community, 
taking the shape of an aristocratic republic, which framed 
its own laws, and for a long time maintained a genuine inde- 
pendence, in opposition to all the assumptions and threats 
of the Norwegian king. 

THE SETTLEMENT OF GREENLAND. 

But as time passed on, the people of Iceland felt a new 
impulse for colonization in strange lands, and the tide of 
emigration began to tend toward Greenland in the west. 
This was chiefly inaugurated by a man named Eric the Red, 
born in Norway in the year 935. On account of man- 
slaughter, he was obliged to flee from Jardar and take up 
his abode in Iceland. The date of removal to Iceland is not 
given, though it is said that at that time the island was very 
generally inhabited. Here, however, he could not live in 
peace, and early in the year 982, he was again outlawed for 
manslaughter by the Thing, and condemned to banishment. 
He accordingly fitted out a ship, and announced liis deter- 
mination to go in search of the land lying in the ocean at 
the west, which it was said, Gunnbiorn,' Ulf Krage's son, 
saw when, in the year 876, he was driven out to sea by a 
storm. Eric sailed westward and found land, where he re- 
mained and explored the country for three years. At the 
end of this period he returned to Iceland, giving the newly- 

^All the information which we possess relating to the dis- 
covery by Gunnbiorn is given in the body of this work, in ex- 
tracts from Landanama Booh. 



America by the Northmen". 35 

discovered land the name of Greenland,^ in order, as he said, 
to attract settlers, who would be favorably impressed by so 
pleasing a name, which, however, did not originate with 
him. 

The summer after his return to Iceland, he sailed once 
more for Greenland, taking with him a fleet of thirty-five 
ships, only fourteen of which reached their destination, the 
rest being either driven back or lost. This event took place, 
as the Saga says, fifteen winters - before the introduction of 
Christianity into Iceland, which we know was accomplished 
in the year A. D, 1000. The date of Eric's second voyage 
must, therefore, be set down at 985.^ 

But, before j^roceeding to the next step in Icelandic ad- 
venture, it will be necessary to give a brief sketch of the 
progress of the Greenland colony, together with a relation 
of the circumstances which led to its final extinction. 

THE PKOGEE88 OF THE GREENLAND COLONIES. 

There is but little continuity in the history of the Ice- 
landic occupation of Greenland. We have already seen that 
the second voyage of Eric the Red took place in the year 
985. Colonists appear to have followed him in considerable 
numbers, and the best portions of the land were soon appro- 
priated by the principal men, who gave the chief bays and 
capes names that indicated the occupants, following the ex- 
ample of Eric, who dwelt in Brattahlid, in Ericsfiord. 

In the year 999, Leif, son of Eric, sailed out of Greenland 
to Norway, and passed the winter at the court of King Olaf 
Tryggvesson, where he accepted the Christian faith, which 

* Claudius Christophessen, the author of some Danish 
verses relating to the history of Greenland, supposes that 
Greenland was discovered in the year 770, though he gave no 
real reason for his belief. M. Peyre^re also tells us of a Papal 
Bull, issued in 835, by Gregory IV, which refers to the con- 
version of the Icelanders and Greenlanders. 

* The Northmen reckoned by winters. 
^ See the Saga of Eric the Ked. 

4 



26 Pre-Oolumbiakt Discovery of 

was then being zealously propagated by the king. He was 
accordingly baptized, and, when the spring returned, the 
king requested hira to undertake the introduction of Chris- 
tianity in Greenland, urging the consideration that no man 
was better qualified for the task. Accordingly he set sail 
from Norway, with a priest and several members of a re- 
ligious order, arriving at Brattahlid, in Greenland, without 
any accident.^ His pagan father was incensed by the bring- 
ing in of the Christian priest, which act he regarded as 
pregnant with evil ; yet after some persuasion on the part 
of Leif, he renounced heathenism and nominally accepted 
Christianity, being baptized by the priest. His wife Thor- 
hild made less opposition, and appears to have received the 
new faith with much willingness. One of her first acts was 
to build a church, which was known far and wide as Thor- 
hild's church. These examples appear to have been very 
generally followed, and Christianity was adopted in both 
Iceland and Greenland at about the same period,^ though its 
acceptance did not immediately produce any very radical 
change in the spiritual life of the people. In course of time 
a number of churches were built, the ruins of which remain 
down to our day.^ 

In the year 1003, the Greenlanders became tributary to 
Norway. The principal settlement was formed on the 
western coast. What was known as the eastern district did 
not extend farther than the southern extremity toward 
Cape Farewell. For a long time it was supposed that the 
east district was located on the eastern coast of Greenland ; 

' The statement, found in several places, that he discovered 
Vinland while on his way to Greenland, is incorrect. The 
full account of his voyages shows that his Vinland voyage was 
an entirely separate thing. 

^ Gissur the White and Hialte went on the same errand to 
Iceland in the year 1000, when the new religion was formally 
adopted at the public Thing. 

^ See Bradford's work on Greenland with an introduction by 
the present writer. 



' ' America by the Northmen. 27 

but the researches of Captain Graah, whose expedition went 
out under the auspices of the Danish government, proved 
very conckisively that no settlement ever existed on the east- 
ern shore, which for centuries has remained blocked up by 
vast accumulations of ice that floated down from the Arctic 
seas. In early times, as we are informed by the Sagas, the 
eastern coast was more accessible, yet the western shores 
were so superior in their attractions that the colonist fixed 
his habitation there. The site of the eastern settlement is 
that inchided in the modern district of Julian's Hope, now 
occupied by a Danish colony. The western settlement is 
represented by the habitation of Frederikshab, Godthaab, 
Sukkertoppen and Holsteinborg. 

THE ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH. 

In process of time the Christians in Greenland multiplied 
to such an extent, both by conversions and by the immigra- 
tion from Iceland, that it was found necessary, in the be- 
ginning of the twelfth century, to take some measures for 
the better government of the church, especially as they 
could not hope much for regular visits from the bishops of 
Iceland. They, therefore, resolved to make an effort to se- 
cure a bishop of their own. Eric Gnupson, of Iceland, was 
selected for the office, and proceeded to Greenland about the 
year 1112, without being regularly consecrated. He re- 
turned to Iceland in 1120, and afterward went to Denmark, 
where he was consecrated in Lund, by Archbishop Adzer. 
Yet he probably never returned to his duties in Greenland, 
but soon after resigned that bishopric and accepted an- 
other,^ thus leaving Greenland without a spiritual director. 

In the year 1123, Sokke, one of the principal men of 
Greenland, assembled the people and represented to them 
that both the welfare of the Christian faith and their own 
honor demanded that they should follow the example of 
other nations and maintain a bishop. To this view they 

1 It will be seen hereafter that he went and established him- 
self in Vinland. 



28 Pke-Columbian" Discovert of 

gave their uuanimous approval ; and Einar, son of Sokke, 
was appointed a delegate to the court of King Sigurd, of 
Norway. He carried a present of ivory and fur, and a 
petition for the appointment of a bishop. His mission was 
successful, and in the year 1126 Arnald, the successor of 
Eric,^ came into Greenland, and set up the Episcopal seat at 
Gardar.^ Torfseus and Baron Holberg^ give a list of sev- 
enteen bishops who ruled in Greenland, ending with An- 
drew. The latter was consecrated and went thither in 1408, 
being never heard of afterward. 

The history of Old Greenland is found in the Ecclesiasti- 
cal Annals, and consists of a mere skeleton of facts. As in 
Iceland and Norway there was no end of broils and blood- 
shed. A very considerable trade was evidently carried on 
between that country and Norway, which is the case at the 
present time with Denmark. As the land afforded no 
materials for ships, they depended in a great measure upon 
others for communication with the mother countries, which 
finally proved disastrous. 

MONUMENTS AND RUINS IN" GREENLAND. 

The villages and farms of the Northmen in Greenland 
were numerous. They probably numbered several hun- 
dred, the ruins now left being both abundant and extensive. 
Near Igaliko, supposed to be the same as the ancient Einars- 
fiord, are the ruins of a church, probably the Cathedral of 
Gardar. It is called the Kakortok Church. It was of 
simple but massive architecture, and the material was taken 
from the neighboring cliffs. The stone is rough hewn, and 
but few signs of mortar are visible. It is fifty -one feet long 

^ See " Memoires des Antiquaires du JVord," p. 383. 

2 The location of Gardar is now uncertain. At one time 
it was supposed to have been situated on the eastern coast; 
but, since it became so clear that the east coast was never in- 
habited, that view has been abandoned, though the name 
appears in old maps. 

^ See Crantz's " Greenland," vol. i, p. 252. 



Amekica by the Northmen". 29 

and twenty-five wide. The north and south walk are over 
four feet thick, while tlie end walls are still more massive. 
Nor are other monuments wanting. At Igaliko, nine 
miles from Julian's Hope, a Greenlander being one day 
employed in obtaining stones to repair his house, found 
among a pile of fragments a smooth stone that bore, what 
seemed to him, written characters. He mentioned the cir- 
cumstance to Mr. Mathieson, the colonial director at Julian's 
Hope, who inferred that it must be a runic stone. The 
man was so fortunate as to find it afterward, and Mr. 
Mathieson accordingly sent it to Copenhagen, where it 
arrived in the year 1830. The runes, which were perfectly 
distinct, showed that it was a tombstone. The inscription 
was translated as follows : 

" ViGDis Mars Daughter Kests Heee. 
Mat God Gladden Her Soul," 

Another, found in 1831, by the Rev. Mr. De Fries, prin- 
cipal of the Moravian Mission, bore the following inscrip- 
tion in the runic letter : 

" Here Rests Hroar Kolgruvisson." 

This stone, now in the museum at Copenhagen, was found 
built into the wall over the entrance of a Greenland house, 
having been taken for that purpose from a heap of ruins, 
about two miles north of Friederichsthal, The stone is 
more than three feet long, being eighteen inches wide in 
the narrowest part, and about five inches thick. It bears 
every sign of a high antiquity. 

One of the most interesting remains proving the Ice- 
landic occupation of Greenland, is the rimic stone found 
by Parry, in 1824, in the island of Kingiktorsoak, lying in 
72° 55' N. and 56° 51' W. It contained a somewhat lengthy 
inscription. Copies of it were sent to three of the first 
scholars of the age, Finn Magnusson, Professor Rask, and 
Dr. Bryniulfson, who, without consulting one another, at 
once arrived at the same conclusion, and united in giving 
the following translation : 



30 Pee-Columbian" Discoveey of 

"Erling Sighvatson and Biorn Thordakson and 

EiNDRID OdDSON, on SATURDAY BEFORE 

Ascension week, raised these 

MARKS and cleared 

ground. 1135.^ 

The Icelandic colonists iu Greenland do not appear to 
have been confined to a small portion of territory'. We find 
considerable relating to this subject in the chronicle attrib- 
uted to Ivar Bardseu,^ the steward of one of the bishops 
of Greenland ; yet, though used extensively by Torfseus in 
his ^^ Greenlandia^''^ modern researches in the country prove 

' These inscriptions are all in fair runic letters, about which 
there can be no mistake, and are totally unlike the imaginary 
runes. 

' See Egede's " Greenland,^' p. xxv; Crantz's " Greenland,^' 
vol. I, pp. 247-8; Purchas, "His Pilgrimes," vol. iii, p. 518; 
" Antiquitates America nm," p. 300. See the Chronicle in 
'* Sailing Directions of Henry Hudson,^^ Munsell, 1869. 

^ Historia Vinlandim Antiqum seu Partes Americce Septen- 
trionalis, uhi Nonmiis ratio recenfetur situs terrce ex dierumbiu 
malium Spatio expenditur. Soli fertilatis & nicolarum 
barbaries, peregrinorum teniporarius incolatus & gesta, 
vicinarum terrarum nomina and fades Antiqiiitatibus Is- 
landicis in lucem producta exponunta per Thormodum Tor- 
fceum Rermn Norvegicarum Historiograplium Regium. Hav- 
nicB Ex Typographeo Regies Mngist, and Universit 1705. Im- 
pe7isis Authoris. 

Gronlandia Antiqua seu Gronlandice descriptio, ubi coeli 
marisqve natura, terrce, locorum S villarum situs, anima- 
lum terrestrium aqvatilivmqve varia genera, Gentis origo S 
incrementa, status Politicus & Ecclesiasticus, gesta memo- 
rabilia & vicissitjidines, ex antiqvis memoriis, prcBcipue 
Islayidicis qva fieri potuit industria collecta exponuntur, 
autJiore Tliormo Torfceo, Rerum Norvegicarum Historiographo 
Regio, Havice iapud Hieron: Christ: Paulli Reg: Universit: 
Bibliopolam. Anno 1715. 



Ameeioa by the Northmen. 31 

that it is in some minor respects faulty. In this chronicle, 
as in the Sagas, the colonists are spoken of as possessing 
horses, sheep and oxen ; and their churches and religious 
houses appear to have been well supported. 

EXPLOKATIONS IN GREENLAND. 

Much was done, it appears, in the way of exploring the 
extreme northern portions of the country known as Nordr- 
setur. In the year 1^66, a voyage was made under the 
auspices of some of the priests, and the adventurers pene- 
trated north of Lancaster Sound, reaching about the same 
latitude that was attained by Parry in 1827. This expedi- 
tion was of sufficient importance to justify some notice of 
it here. The account is found in Antiquitates AmerioancB 
(p. 269), and it sets out with the statement, that the narrative 
of the expedition was sent by Haldor, a priest, to Arnald, 
the Chaplain of K ing Magnus in Norway. They sailed out 
of Kroksfiardarheidi in an open boat, and met with southerly 
winds and thick weather, which forced them to let the boat 
drive before the wind. When the weather cleared, they 
saw a number of islands, together with whales and seals 
and bears. They made their way into the most distant 
portion of the sea, and observed glaciers south of them as 
far as the eye could reach. They also saw indications of the 
natives, who were called Skrsellings, but they did not land, 
on account of the number of the bears. They, therefore, 
put about, and laid their course southward for nearly three 
days, finding more islands, with traces of the natives. They 
saw a mountain which they called Sngefell, and on St. James' 
day, July 25, they had a severe weather, being obliged to 
row much and very hard. It froze during the night in that 
region, but the sun was above the horizon both day and night. 
When the sun was on the southern meridian, and a man lay 
down cr(»sswii?e in a six-oared boat, the shadow of the gunwale 
toward the sun would reach as far as his feet, which, of 
course, indicates that the sun was very low. Afterward they 



32 Pee-Columbian Discovery of 

all returned in safety to Gardar.^ Kafn fixes the position 
of the point attained by the expedition in the parallel of 
75 46'. Such an achievement at that day indicates a de- 
gree of boldness quite surprising. 

THE DECLINE OF GREENLAND. 

Of the reality and importance of the Greenland colony 
there exists no doubt, notwithstanding the records are so 
meagre and fragmentary.^ It maintained its connection 
with the mother countries for a period of not less than four 
hundred years ; yet it finally disappeared and was almost 
forgotten. 

Many causes led to the suspension of communication, 
though it is difficult to account for the extinction of the 
colony, if it actually became extinct. It does not appear 
ever to have been in much danger from the Skrsellings, 
though, on one occasion, in 1349 or later, the natives at- 
tacked the western settlement, it is said, and killed eighteen 
Greenlanders of Icelandic lineage, carrying away two boys 
captives.^ 

We hear from the eastern colony as late as the middle 
of the fifteenth century. Trade was carried on with Den- 
mark until nearly the end of the fourteenth century, although 
the voyages were not regular. The last bishop, Andreas, 
was sent out in 1406, and Professor Finn Magnussen has 
estabhshed the fact that he otficiated in the cathedral at 
Gardar in 1409.'' 



^ ^' Antiquitates Americance,^' p. xxxix. 

* For the account of the manuscripts upon which our knowl- 
edge of Greenland is founded, see ^' Antiquitates Ameri- 
cance," p. 255. 

^ '^Islenzhir Annaler." 

* In that year parties are known to have contracted marriage 
at Gardar, from whom Finn Magnussen and other distin- 
guished men owe their descent. Hakluyt quotes Lambord, to 
the effect that Arthur made his way to Greenland; but we 
can understand how the statement originated, since the map 



America by the Northmen. 33 

From this time the trade between Norway and Green- 
land appears to have been given up, though Wormius told 
Peyrere of his having read in a Danish manuscript, that 
down to the year 1484, there was a company of more than 
forty sailors at Bergen, in Norway, who still traded with 
Greenland.^ But as the revenue at that time belonged to 
Queen Margaret of Denmark, no one could go to Greenland 
without the royal permission. One company of sailors who 
were driven upon the Greenland coast, came near suffering 
the penalty of the law on their return. Crantz^ says, that 
"about the year 1530, Bishop Amund of Skalholtin Iceland 
is said to have been driven by a storm, on his return from 
Norway, so near the coast of Greenland by Heriulfness, that 
he could see the people driving in their cattle. But he did 
not land, because just then a good wind arose, which carried 
the ship the same night to Iceland. The Icelander, Bisernvon 
Slcardfa, who relates this, also says further, that a Ham- 
burgh mariner, Jon Greenlander by name, was driven three 
times on the Greenland island, where he saw such fisher's 
huts for drying fish as they have in Iceland, but saw 
no men ; further, that pieces of shattered boats, nay, in 
the year 1625, an entire boat, fastened together with sinews 

of Ptolemy made Greenland a western extension of Norway, the 
position of the country being misunderstood. The Icelandic 
chronicles distinctly say that^ half a century before the voyage 
of Eric, a great country was known at the west, being called 
" Ireland the Great." It would seem that this country was first 
reached by the Irish, whose prior discovery was conceded by the 
Icelanders. The Irish had described it, evidently, as a land 
of verdure, while the Saga says that Eric applied the name 
of " Greenland " to the part he visited, not from any peculiar 
fitness but from motives of policy, saying that "'men would 
be persuaded to go to a land with so good a name." Possibly 
the term " Greenland " was originally applied to the whole 
of North America, as were other names that finally came to 
have a local meaning. See " Verrazano the Explorer." 

'Egede's ''Greenland,'' p. xlvii. 

'^Ibid., xlviii. 
5 



34 Pre-Columbian Discovery of 

and wooden pegs, and pitched with seal bkibber, have been 
driven ashore at Iceland from time to time ; and since then 
they found once an oar with a sentence written in Runic 
letters: '■Oft var ek dasa, dur elk drothik^ that is, 'Oft 
was I tired when I drew thee.' " ^ 

LOST GKKENLAND FOUND. 

But, wliatever may be the value of the preceding state- 
ments of Skardfa, it is clear that Greenland was never 
wholly forgotten. The first person who proposed to re- 
open communication was Eric Walkendorf, Archbishop of 
Drontheim, who familiarized himself with the subject, and 
made every preparation necessary in order to re-establish 
the colon}' ; but, having fallen under the displeasure of King 
Christian II, lie left the country and went to Rome, where 
he died in the year 1521. Thus his plans came to nothing.^ 
Christian III abrogated the decree of Queen Margaret, pro- 
hibiting trade with Greenland without the royal permission, 
and encouraged voyages by fitting out a vessel to search for 
Greenland, which, however, was not found. In 1578, Fred- 
eric II sent out Magnus Henningsen. He came in sight of 
the land, but does not appear to have had the courage to 
proceed further, Crantz, in his work on Greenland, gives 
an account of a number of voyages undertaken to the coast, 
but says that " at last Greenland was so buried in oblivion 
that one hardly would believe that such a land as Green- 
land was inhabited by Christian Norwegians." ^ 

It remained, therefore, for Hans Egede,^ in 1721, to re- 

' Orantz's " Greenland, ^^ vol. i, p. 264. 

*Orantz's " Greenland^ p. 274. 

^Ibid., p. 279. 

* Hans Egede was a clergyman in priest's orders, and min- 
ister of the congregation at Vogen in the northern part of 
Norway, where he was highly esteemed and beloved. He 
spent fifteen years as a missionary in Greenland, and died at 
Copenhagen, 1758. Eeference here is exclusively to the 
(Scandinavians, as we remember voyages like those of Davis 
and Frobisher from England. 



America by the Noethmen. 35 

open communication. Columbus himself did not endure much 
greater mortification than did this good man for the space of 
eleven years, during which period he labored to persuade the 
Danish and Norwegian authorities to undertake the re-dis- 
covery. But his faith and zeal finally overcame all hostility 
and ridicule. On the 2d day of May, 1721, he went on 
board the Hope, with his wife and four young children, 
and landed at Ball's river in Greenland on the third of the 
following month. Here he spent the best portion of his 
life in teaching the natives Christianity, which had been 
first introduced seven centuries before, and in making those 
explorations the results of which filled the mind of Europe 
with surprise, and afforded a confirmation of the truthful- 
ness of the Icelandic Sagas. 

THE character AND ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE NORTHMEN. 

Let us now return to the consideration of the Icelandic 
voyages to the American Continent, though not without first 
seeking a better acquaintance with the men by whom they 
were performed. 

We have already seen that the Northmen were a people 
of no inferior attainments. Indeed, they constituted the 
most enterprising portion of the race, and, on general prin- 
ciples, we should, therefore, view them as fitted, even above 
all the men of their time, for the important work of explo- 
ration beyond the seas. They had made themselves known 
in every part of the civihzed world ^ by their daring as sol- 
diers and navigators. Straying away into the distant east 
whence they originally came, we see them laying the founda- 
tion of the Russian empire, swinging their battle-axes in 
thestreetsof Constantinople, carving their mystic ruins upon 
the Lions of the Areopagus, and filling the heart of even 
the great Charlemagne with dismay. Says Dasent, when 
summing up their achievements : " In Byzantium they are 
the leaders of the Greek emperor's body guard, and the 

^ The motto on the sword of Eoger Guiscard was: 

" Ap^ulus et Calader Siculus mild Servit et Afer.'' 



36 Pke-Columbian" Discovert of 

main support of liis tottering throne. From France, led hj 
Rollo, they tear away her fairest province and found a long 
line of kings. In Saxon England they are the bosom friends 
of such kings as Athelstane, and the sworn foes of Ethelred 
the Unready. In Danish England they are the foremost 
among the thanes of Canute, Swein and Hardicanute, and 
keep down the native population with an iron heel. In 
Norman England," he continues, " the most serious opposi- 
tion the conqueror meets with is from the colonists of his 
own race settled in Northumbria. He wastes their lands 
with fire and sword, and drives them across the border, 
where we still find their energy, their perseverance, and 
their speech existing in the lowland Scotch. In Norway 
they dive into the river with King Olaf Tryggvesson, the 
best and strongest champion of his age, and hold him down 
beneath the waves so long that the bystanders wonder 
whether either king or Icelander will ever reappear on the 
the surface.^ Some follow Saint Olaf in his crusades against 
the old [pagan] faith. ^ Some are his obstinate foes and as- 
sist at his martyrdom. Many follow Harold the Stern to 
England when he goes to get his ' seven feet ' of English 
earth, and almost to a man they get their portion of the 
same soil, while their names grow bright in song and story." 
Finally, " From Iceland as a base, they push on to Green- 
land and colonize it : nay, they discover America in those 
half -decked barks. "^ 

THE SHIPS OF THE NORTHMEN. 

The Northmen were excellent navigators. They were, 
moreover, it has been claimed, the first to learn the art of 
sailing on the wind. They had good sea-going vessels, some 
of which were of large size. We have an account in the 



' See Laing's HeimsTcringla, vol. ii, p. 450. This refers to 
his swimming match with Kiarten the Icelander, in which 
the king was beaten. 

^ See Saga of Saint (not king) Olaf. 

' Des Antiquaires du Nord, 1859. 



America by the Noethmen". 37 

Saga of Olaf Trjggvesson of one that in some respects was 
remarkable. It is said that " the winter after King Olaf 
Tryggvesson came from Halegoland, he had a great ship 
bnilt at Ledehammer/ which was larger than any ship in 
the country, and of which the beam-knees are still to be 
seen. The length of the keel that rested npon the grass was 
seventy-four ells. Thorberg Skafting was the man's name 
who was the master builder of the ship, but there were many 
others besides ; some to fell the wood, some to shape it, some 
to make nails, some to carry timber, and all that was 
used was the best. The ship was both long and broad 

and high sided, and strongly timbered The ship 

was a dragon, built after the one that the king had cap- 
tured in Halegoland, but it was far longer and more care- 
fully put together in all her parts. The Long Serpent [her 
name] had thirty-four benches for rowers. The head and 
arched tail were both gilt, and the bulwarks were as high 
as in sea-going ships. This ship was the best and most 
costly ever built in Norway." ^ 

' Ledehammer. The point of land near the house of Lede, 
just below Droutheim. 

' Laing's Heimskringla, vol. i, p. 457. It is related that 
while they were planking the ship, "it happened that Thor- 
berg had to go home to his farm upon some urgent business; 
and as he stayed there a long time, the ship was planked upon 
both sides when he came back. In the evening the king 
went out and Thorberg with him, to see how the ship looked, 
and all said that never was seen so large and fine a ship 
of war. Then the king went back to the town. Early the 
next morning the king came back again to the ship, and 
Thorberg with him. The carpenters were there before them, 
but all were standing idle with their hands across. The king 
asked, 'What is the matter?' They said the ship was 
ruined; for somebody had gone from stem to stern, and cut 
one deep notch after another down the one side of the plank- 
ing. When the king came nearer he saw that it was so, and 
said with an oath, * The man shall die who has thus ruined 
the ship out of malice, if he can be found, and I will give a 



38 Pre-Columbian" Discovery of 

Laing computes the tonnage of this ship at about nine 
hundred and forty-two tons, thus giving a length of about 
one hundred feet, which is nearly the size of a forty-two 
gun ship. By steam tonnage it would give a capacity of a 
little less than three hundred tons, and one hundred and 
twenty horse power. We apprehend, however, that the 
estimate is sufdciently large ; yet we are not concerned to 
show any great capacity for the Icelandic ships. All the 
vessels employed in the early times on the American coasts 
were small. The Anna Pink, a craft that accompanied 
Lord Anson in his expedition around the world, measured 
only sixteen tons.^ The vessels of the Northmen were 
every way adapted for ocean voyages. 

great reward to him who finds him out.' '1 can tell you, 
king,' says Thorberg, ' who has done this piece of work.' ' I 
don't think that any one is so likely to find it out as thou art.' 
Thorberg says: 'I will tell you, king, who did it, I did it 
myself.' The king says, ' Thou must restore it all to the 
same condition as before, or thy life shall pay for it.' Then 
Thorberg went and chipped the planks until the deep notches 
were all smoothed and made even with the rest; and the king 
and all present declared that the ship was much handsomer 
on the side of the hull which Thorberg had chipped, and 
bade him shape the other side in the same way and gave him 
great thanks for the improvement." 

' A few years ago two very ancient vessels which probably 
belonged to the seventh century, were exhumed on the coast 
of Denmark, seven thousand feet from the sea, where they 
were scuttled and sunk. The changes in the coast finally 
left them imbedded in the sand. One vessel was seventy-two 
feet long, and nine feet wide amidships. The other was forty- 
two feet long, and contained two eight-sided spars, twenty- 
four feet long. The bottoms were covered with mats of 
withes for the purpose of keeping them dry. Among the 
contents was a Damascened sword^ with runes, showing that 
the letter existed among the Northmen in the seventh cen- 
tury. See Horsford's notice of an ancient ship, " Address 
at the unveiling of the Statue of Lief Erickson,^^ p. 21. Also 
illustrations in " Narrative and Critical History," i, 62-4. 



America by the Northmen". 39 

In nautical knowledge, also, they were not behind the 
age. The importance of cultivating the study of naviga- 
tion was fully understood. The Raudnlf of Oesterdal, in 
Norway, taught his son to calculate the course of the sun 
and moon, and how to measure time by the stars. In 1520 
Olaus Magnus complained that the knowledge of the people 
in this resj)ect had been diminished. In that noble work 
called Speculum Regale., the Icelander is taught to make an 
especial study of commerce and navigation, of the divisions 
of time and the movements of the heavenly bodies, together 
with arithmetic, the rigging of vessels and morals} With- 
out a high degree of knowledge they could never have 
achieved their many voyages. 

THE SAGAS AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 

We find that the Northmen were well acquainted with 
other parts of the woi'ld, and that they possessed all the 
means of reaching the Continent in the west. We come, 
therefore, to the question: Did the Northmen actually dis- 
cover and explore the coast of the country now known as 
America ? 

No one can say that the idea wears any appearance of 
improhdbility / for there is certainly nothing wonderful in 
the exploit. After conceding the fact that colonies of the 

' The people of Iceland were always noted for their superi- 
ority in this respect over their kinsmen in Denmark and Nor- 
way. There is one significant fact bearing on this point, 
which is this: that, while a few of the people of Iceland 
went at an early period to engage in piratical excursions with 
the vikings of Norway, not a single pirate shi^j ever sailed 
from Iceland. Such ways were condemned altogether at an 
early day, while various European nations continued to sanc- 
tion piracy down to recent periods. Again it should be re- 
membered that in Iceland duelling was also solemnly declared 
illegal as early as 1011, and in Norway the following year; 
while in England it did not cease to be a part of the judicial 
process until 1818. See Sir Edmund Head's " Viga-Olum 
Saga," p. 120. 



40 PRE-0OLUMBIA2!!r DISCOVERY OF 

Northmen existed in Greenland for at least three hundred 
years, we must prepare ourselves for something of this 
kind. Indeed it is well nigh, if not altogether unreasonable, 
to suppose that a sea-faring people like the Northmen could 
live for three centuries within a short voyage of this Conti- 
nent, and never become aware of its existence. A supposi- 
tion like this implies a rare credulity, and whoever is ca- 
pable of believing it must be capable of believing almost 
any thing. 

But on this point we are not left to conjecture. The de- 
cision, in the absence of proofs like those furnished by 
Greenland, turns upon a question of fact. The point is 
this : Do the manuscripts which describe these voyages he- 
lo'ag to the pre-Columbian age? If so, then the North- 
men are entitled to the credit of the prior discovery of 
America. That these manuscripts belong to the pre-Co- 
lumbian age is as capable of demonstration as the fact that 
the writings of Homer existed prior to the age of Christ. 
Before intelligent persons deny either of these points they 
must first succeed in blotting out numberless pages of well- 
known history. The manuscript in which we have versions 
of all the Sagas relating to America is found in the cele- 
brated Codex Flatoiensis, a work that was finished in the 
year 1387, or 1395 at the latest. This collection, made with 
great care and executed in the highest style of art, is now 
preserved in its integrity^ in the archives of Copenhagen. 
These manuscripts were for a time supposed to be lost, but 
were ultimately found safely lodged in their repository in 
the monastery Hbrary of the island of Flato, from whence 

' Those who imagine that these manuscripts, while of pre- 
Columbian origin, have been tampered with and interpolated, 
show that they have not the faintest conception of the state 
of the question. The accounts of the voyages of the North- 
men to America form the framework of Sagas which would 
actually be destroyed by the elimination of the narratives. 
There is only one question to be decided, and that is the date 
of the compositions. 



America by the Noethmeist. 41 

they were transferred to Copenhagen with a large quantity 
of other literary material collected from various localities. 
If these Sagas which refer to America were interpolations, 
it would have early become apparent, as abundant means 
exist for detecting frauds; yet those who have examined 
the whole question do not find any evidence that invalidates 
their historical statements. In the absence, therefore, of 
respectable testimony to the contrary, we accept it as a fact 
that the Sagas relating to America are the productions of 
the men who gave them in their present form nearly, if not 
quite, an entire century before the age of Columbus. 

It might also be argued, if it were at all necessary, that, 
if these Sagas were post-Columbian compositions drawn 
up by Icelanders who were jealous of the fame of the 
Genoese navigator, we should certainly be able to point 
out something either in their structure, bearing, or style by 
which it would be indicated. Yet such is not the case. 
These writings reveal no anxiety to show the connection of 
the Northmen with the great land lying at the west. The 
authors do not see any thing remarkable or meritorious in 
the explorations, which were conducted simplj^ for the pur- 
pose of gain. Those marks which would certainly have 
been impressed by a more modern writer forging a historical 
composition designed to show an occupation of the country 
before the time of Columbus, are wholly wanting. There 
is no special pleading or rivalry, and no desire to show prior 
and superior knowledge of the country to which the navi- 
gators had from time to time sailed. We only discover a 
straightforward, honest endeavor to tell the story of certain 
men's lives. This is done in a simple, artless way, and with 
every indication of a desire to mete out even-handed justice 
to all. Candid readers who come to the subject with minds 
free from prejudice will be powerfully impressed with the 
belief that they are reading authentic histories written by 
honest men.^ 



' The fact that Mr. Bancroft has in times past expressed 
opinions in opposition to this view will hardly have weight 
6 



42 Pre-Columbian" Discovery of 



THE LITERATURE OF ICELAND. 

Before speaking particularly of the substance of the 
Sagas it will be necessary to trace briefly the origin and 
history of Icelandic literature in general. 

We have already mentioned the fact that Iceland was 
mainly settled by l^orwegians of superior qualities. This 
superiority was always maintained, though it was some- 
what slow in manifesting itself in the form of literature. 
Prior to the year 1000, the Runic alphabet had existed in 



with those familiar with the subject. When that writer com- 
posed the first chapter of his History of the United States. 
he might have been excused for setting down the Icelandic 
narratives as shadowy fables; but, with all the knowledge shed 
upon the subject at present, we have a right to look for some- 
thing better. It is, therefore, unsatisfactory to find him per- 
petuating his early views in each successive edition of the 
work, which show the same knowledge of the subject betrayed 
at the beginning. He tells us that these voyages ''rest on 
narratives mythological in form, and obscure in meaning,^' 
which certainly cannot be the case. Furthermore they are 
"not contemporary; '' which is true, even with regard to Mr. 
Bancroft's oioji work. Again, " The chief document is an 
interpolation in the history of Sturleson." This cannot be 
true in the sense intended, for Mr. Bancroft conveys the idea 
that the principal narrative Jirst appeared in Sturleson's his- 
tory when published at a late day. It is indeed well known 
that one version, but not the principal version, was interpo- 
lated in Peringskiold's edition of Sturleson's Heimskringla, 
printed at Copenhagen. But Bancroft teaches that these re- 
lations are of a modern date, while it is well known that they 
were taken verbatim from Codex Flatoiensis, finished in the 
year 1395. He is much mistaken in supposing that the north- 
ern antiquaries think any more highly of the narratives in 
question, because they once happened to be printed in con- 
nection with Sturleson's great work. He tells us that Sturle- 
son "could hardly have neglected the discovery of a conti- 
nent," if such an event had taken place. But this, it should 



Amebic A by the Northmen". 43 

Iceland, but it was generally used for the simplest purposes.^ 
History and literature derived no advantage, as the runes 
were used chiefly for monumental inscriptions, and for mot- 
toes and charms on such things as drinking cups, sacrificial 
vessels and swords. Yet the people were not without a 
kind of intellectual stimulus. It had long been the custom 
to preserve family and general histories, and recite them 

be remembered, depends upon whether or not the discovery 
was considered of any particttlar importance. This does 
not appear to have been the case. The fact is nowhere 
dwelt upon for the purpose of exalting the actors. Besides, 
as Laing well observes, the discovery of land at the west had 
nothing to do with his subject, which was the history of the 
kings of Norway. The discovery of America gave rise to a 
little traffic, and nothing more. Moreover the kings of Nor- 
way took no part, were not the patrons of the navigators, and 
had no influence whatever in instituting a single voyage. Mr. 
Bancroft's last objection is that Vinland, the place dis- 
covered, "has been sought in all directions from Greenland 
and the St. Lawrence to Africa." This paragraph also con- 
veys a false view of the subject, since the location of Vinland 
was as well known to the Northmen as the situation of Ireland, 
with which island they had uninterrupted communication. 

Washington Irving has expressed doubt in his Life of Co- 
lumbus, luritten as he says, before the means of examining this 
question tuere placed ivithin his reach, and in the appendix 
of his work he mixes the idle tales of St. Brandan's Isle with 
the authentic histories of the Northmen. A very limited in- 
quiry would have led him to a different estimate. 

' The word rune comes from ryn, a furrow. Odin has the 
credit of the invention of runes, yet they are probably of Phe- 
nician origin. They were sometimes used for poetical pur- 
poses. Halmund, in the Grettir Saga (see Sabing Baring 
Gould's Icela7id), says to his daughter: "Thou shalt now 
listen whilst I relate my deeds, and sing thereof a song, which 
thou shalt afterward cut upon a staff." This indicates the 
training the memory must have undergone among the North- 
men. 



44 Pre-Oolumbian" Discovery of 

from memory as occasion seemed to warrant. This was 
done with a wonderful degree of accuracy and fi(]ehty, by 
men more or less trained for the purpose, and whose 
performances at times were altogether surprising. They 
also had their scalds or poets, who were accustomed 
both to repeat the old songs and poems and extemporize 
new ones. Every good fighter was expected to prove him- 
self a poet when the emergency required it. The poet was 
strongly encouraged. When Ey vind Skialdespilder sang his 
great song in praise of Iceland every peasant in the island, 
it is said, contributed three pieces of silver to buy a clasp 
for his mantel of fifty marks weight. These scalds were 
sometimes employed by the politicians, and on one occasion 
a satire so nettled Harold, king of Denmark, that he sent a 
fleet to ravage Iceland, and made the repetition an offense 
punishable with death. The Icelandic poets also went to 
England, to the Orkneys and to ISTorway, where, at the 
king's court, they were held in the highest estimation, fur- 
nishing poetical effusions on every public or private occasion 
which demanded the exercise of their gifts. The degree to 
which they had cultivated their memories was surprising. 
Old Blind Skald Stuf could repeat between two and three 
hundred poems. The Saga-men had the same power of 
memory. This we know may be improved to almost any 
extent by cultivation. But with the advent of Christianity 
came the Roman alphabet, which proved an easy method of 
expressing thought. Christianity, however, did not stop 
here. Its service was a reasonable service, and demanded 
of its votaries a high intelligence. The priest of Odin need 
do no more than to recite a short vow, or mutter a brief 
prayer. He had no divine records to read and to explain. 
But the minister of the new religion came with a system 
that demanded broader learning and culture than that im- 
plied in extemporaneous songs. His calling required the 
aid of books, and the very sight of such things proved a 
mental stimulus to this hard-brained race. Besides, Chris- 
tianity opened to the minds of the people new fields of 



America by the Northmen. 45 

thought. These rude sons of war soon began to understand 
that there were certain victories, not to be despised, that 
might be gained through peace, and erelong letters came to 
be somewhat famihar to the public mind. The earliest writ- 
ten efforts very naturally related to the lives of the Saints, 
which on Sundays and holy days were read in public for the 
edilieation of the people. Daring the eleventh century 
these exercises shared the public attention with those of the 
professional Saga-man, who still labored to hand down the 
oral versions of the national history and traditions. In 
the beginning of the twelfth century the use of letters was 
extended, and at last the Saga-man found his occupation 
gone, the national history now being diligently gathered up 
by zealous students and scribes and committed to the more 
lasting custody of the written page. Among the writers 
was Ari Frode, who began the compilation of the Icelandic 
Dooms-day Boole, wliich contained a record of the early 
settlers. Scarcely less useful was Sasmund the Wise, who 
collected the poetical literature of the North and arranged 
it in a goodly tome. The example of these great men was 
followed, and by the end of the twelfth century all the 
Sagas relating to the pagan period of the country had been 
reduced to writing. This was an era of great literary ac- 
tivity, and the century following showed the same zeal. 
Finally Iceland possessed a body of prose literature supe- 
rior in quantity aud value to that of any other modern 
nation of its time.^ Indeed, the natives of Europe at this 
period had no prose or other species of literature hardly 
worthy of the name ; and, taken altogether, the Sagas 
formed the first prose literature in any modern language 
spoken by the people.^ Says Sir Edmund Head, " No 

^ For a list of many Icelandic works, see the Introduction 
of Laing's " Heimskringla.'^ See also Horn's "History of 
the Literature of the Scandinavian North." Translated by 
Anderson, Chicago, 1884. Also the work of William and 
Mary Howitt. 

2 See Sir Edmund Head's Viga Glum Saga, pp. viii and ix. 



46 Pke-Oolumbia]^ Discovery of 

doubt there were translations in Anglo-Saxon from the 
Latin, bj Alfred, of an earlier date, but there was in truth 
no vernacular literature. I cannot name," he says, " any 
work in high or low German prose which can be carried 
back to this period. In Finance, prose writing cannot be 
said to have begun before the time of Yillehardouin (1204), 
and Join\dlle (1202). Castilian prose certainly did not com- 
mence before the time of Alfonso X (1252). Don Juan 
Manvel, the author of the Gonde Lucano)', was not born till 
1282. The Cronica General de Espana was not composed 
till at least the middle of the thirteenth century. About 
the same time the language of Italy was acquiring that 
softness and strength which was destined to appear so con- 
spicuously in the prose of Boccaccio, and the writers of the 
next century." ^ 

Thus, while other nations were without a literature, the 
intellect of Iceland was in active exercise, and works were 
produced like the Eddas and the Heimskringla, works in- 
spired by a lofty genius and which will rank with the 
writings of Homer and Herodotus while time endures. 

In the beginning of the sixteenth century, however, the 
literature of Iceland reached the period of its greatest ex- 
cellence, and began to decline. Books continued to be writ- 
ten, but works of positive genius were wanting. Yet in 
Iceland there has never been an absence of literary industry, 
while during the recent period the national reputation has 
been sustained by Finn Magnussen and similar great names. 
One hundred years before the Plymouth colonists, following 
in the track of Thorwald Ericson, landed on the sands of 
Cape Cod, the people of Iceland had set up the printing 
press, and produced numerous works both in the native 
language and the Latin tongne. 

It is to this people, whom Saxo Grrammaticus points out 

' Ibid. Of course there was more or less poetry, yet poetry 
is early developed among the rudest nations, while good prose 
proves that a people have become highly advanced in mental 
culture. 



America by the Northmen. 47 

as a people distinguished for their devotion to letters, that 
we are indebted for tlie narratives of the pre-Columbian 
voyages to America. Though first arranged for oral recita- 
tion, the Sagas, as we have seen, were afterward committed 
to manuscript, the earliest of which do not now exist, while 
the latest were those preserved in the celebrated Flato col- 
lection nearly a century before the re-discovery of America 
by Columbus. 

It is no longer necessary to spend much time in this con- 
nection, since the character and value of the Icelandic writ- 
ings have come to be generally acknowledged, and especially 
since scholars and antiquaries like Humboldt and Max 
MuUer have fully acknowledged their authenticity and 
authority. 

COLUMBUS AND THE NORTH. 

It is proper to notice here the fact that not a few have 
imagined that the claims of the Northmen have been brousrht 
forward to detract from the fame of Columbus ; yet, nothing 
could be farther from the truth, since no one denies that it 
was by the discovery of America by Columbus that the Con- 
tinent became of great value to the Old World, though we 
must always remember that North America is chiefly in- 
debted to the Cabots, who led the way for Enghsh supremacy. 

EARLY ENGLISH VOYAGES TO ICELAND. 

But nothing should deter iis from inquiring into the re- 
lation held by Columbus to the pilots and geographers of the 
North,^ especially since so many fancy that the northern 
regions were little visited at the period of his activity. Still 
we find that in the fourteenth century the fisheries were 
commonly pursued around Iceland, whose people were in 

' Bulletin de Geographie, 1858, p. 177. Are Frode, in 1608, 
speaking of the visit paid to Iceland by Floke Vilgerderson, 
says that in those times seamen had no loadstone in the north- 
ern countries. The Bible Gruyot, 1150, speaks of the load- 
stone as " un pierre laida et brumiere." 



48 Pke-Oolumbian" Discovery of 

regular communication with Greenland. The English also 
must have known of Greenland at the time, though, in com- 
mon with the people of Iceland and J^^orway, they did not 
appreciate the importance of this knowledge. In the four- 
teenth century, proof is found both in the Icelandic and 
English annals, of the connection between the two countries. 
The Icelandic contains indications of the arrival of English 
ships, but it is clear that their coming was so well known as 
to gain only a casual allusion, the interest standing connected 
with the news brought. The entries were made at the time, 
and are now set down in chronological order in accordance 
with the language of the original. Let us, therefore, notice 
these entries. 

In 1348, news reached Iceland that in England the mor- 
tality was so great that 200,000 persons had died.^ The 
next year the death of English sailors at Bergen, in IS^orway, 
opposite Iceland, was reported, and recorded in the Sagas.^ 
This is all that we find at present in connection with the 
fourteenth century in Iceland ; but the reference of the 
Saga to the great mortality in England is confirmed by 
Stow's " Annales," which state that the plague reached Eng- 
land in 1348, touching the seaports first. Thence, no doubt, 
the news was at once carried by fishermen to Iceland.^ If 
the voyages of the English to Iceland had possessed greater 
interest, there would have been some more definite notice 
in the Sagas. We are free, however, to admit that, early 
in this century, the merchant trade may have been small, as 
in 1328 Edward III does not mention Iceland in his ^'■Pro 
Mercatorihus Extraneis^'' Nor does he mention Denmark 
or Norway, but these are included in the general language, 
'"''O'mnium, aliarwm Terraruin et locorum extranorunV^ 



' '^ Islenzkir Anndlar," Hafnias, 1847, p. 276. The Icelandic 
is as follows : " Mannfall ogurlegt a Englendi sva at tvo 
hundred thousand datt nidr." 

*Ibid., 278. 

=• Stow's ''Anndlar," p. 245, Ed. 1631. 

* Rymer's Foedera, iv, 361. 



AmEBICA by the NORTHMElSi. 49 

ISevertheless, the mandate of Edward III, dated March 
18, 1334, recognizes the fact that the king maintained a 
fleet for service in the " parts Boreal," John de Haddon 
being the Admiral.^ It was probably designed to protect 
the fishermen and merchants from pirates around the north 
of Britain. 

In the Icelandic annals of the fifteenth century, the first 
clear entry is that of 1407, when news was received of 
the death of the Archbishop of York.^ In 1412, it was re- 
corded that five English sailors had separated from their 
ship and wintered iu the island.^ In 1413, "thirty more 
fishing vessels came from England." Some of them were 
blown to the northern part of Iceland, and possibly to the 
Greenland coast.* 

In 1415, six English ships sailed to Iceland, and made 
their port iu the Westmann Islands.^ In 1416, six ships 
anchored in Hafnafiord, in the south-west of Iceland.^ In 
1419, many English ships were wrecked on the coast of Ice- 
land, and a large number of lives were lost.'^ The "Annals," 
in the present compilation, end with the year 1430, and 
these six entries are all that we find. If carefully consid- 
ered, however, it will appear that these mentions really 
form rnemorahilia. This wnll be seen by turning to the 
English annals for the corresponding period. The first 
reference to Iceland in the Foedera is that of 1415, when 
Henry Y, for the satisfaction of the King of Denmark, 
ordered that during the year none of his subjects should 
presume to visit any of " the coasts of the islands belonging 

'Ibid., v, 778. 

^Amidlar, p. 382. 

' Ibid., p. 386. 

*Ibid., p. 388. 

' Ibid., p. 390. 

'Ibid., p. 392. 

'Ibid., p. 394. — In this connection the author employs 
material given by him in his " Itiventio Fortunata," devoted 
to the subject of Arctic Discovery. 
7 



50 Pke-Columbian Discovert of 

to Denmark and Norway, and especially to the island of 
Iceland," for the purpose of fishing or trading, "otherwise 
than according to the ancient custom " {aliier quam atiti- 
quitus fieri consuevit.''^ ^ This notice was served upon the 
authorities of the various seaports of England. Here, then, 
we learn, in connection with 1415, that in the ancient times 
voyages to Iceland had become frequent. It is clear from 
the complaint of the Danish king that the old rules respect- 
ing trafiic had been broken habitually, and that they were 
now to be observed, at least for one year. Of the exact 
nature of the ancient law we cannot speak, but it would ap- 
pear as though the prohibition related to the shore fisheries, 
which they were not to intrude upon, and hence, when the 
English went to Iceland, in 1415, they harbored off the 
coast of the Westmann Islands. The arrival of the ships, 
under the circumstances, formed a noticeable event, and for 
this reason it was recorded. The Icelandic Annals add, im- 
mediately after mentioning their arrival, that " the ships 
brought letters from the King of England to the people and 
the chief men of Iceland." 

There is, then, a complete agreement between the Eng- 
lish and the Icelandic Annals, both showing that an English 
fleet visited Iceland in 1415 — a circumstance which should 
go very far to establish the general value and credibility of 
those records of a distant age.^ 

In 1416, the English were again in Iceland, but the 
Fcedera does not mention voyages until 1436, when Henry 
VI issued a license to John, the Icelandic Bishop of Holem, 
then in London, authorizing him to engage John May, with 
his ship "Catherine," for a voyage to Iceland, where May, 
evidently an old voyager, was to act as his attorney, and 
transact certain business for him, the Bishop himself not 
wishing to undertake the voyage.^ In 1436, Richard 

» "Foedera," ix, 322. 

* This agreement between the English and Icelandic au- 
thorities was pointed out now for the first time, in "Immitio 
Fortunata." 

' "Foedera;' x, 645 and 659, Ed. 1877. 



America by the Northmen. 51 

Weston, of London, a " stockfishmonger," was well known 
by the Icelanders.^ In 1440, Henry YI sent two ships to 
Iceland, with supplies. It was feared that without this aid 
from England, the sacraments even would be omitted, there 
being neither wine nor salt in the country, and only milk 
and water {lac et aquain)'.^ 

In connection with the year 1445, another voyage is in- 
dicated by the Admiralty " Black Book," action having 
been taken against William Byggeman, and two men of 
Lynn, who visited Iceland in a " dogger," called the " Trin- 
ity." They kidnapped a boy whom they brought to Swete- 
sham and held in servitude, contrary to law.^ 

In 1450, a treaty was made between the Kings of Den- 
mark and England, which prohibited trading in Iceland ; 
but a special provision of Parliament exempted Thomas 
Canynges, Mayor of Bristol, from the prohibition, in con- 
sideration of his great services to Iceland. He was accord- 
ingly allowed to send two ships thither to load with fish or 
other commodities. His trade with Iceland was a matter of 
general knowledge, and throws additional light upon a cer- 
tain remark by Columbus. 

It should be remembered also, that the Zeno Brothers 
made their voyage to Gi-eenland, and a part of the Ameri- 
can coast called Estotiland, and Drogeo, in 1400 ; but it is 

'Ibid., X, 762. These supplies were sent to the Bishop 
of Skalholt, who alone was authorized by the Synod of Den- 
mark to supply the elements of the sacraments to the 
churches. See " Kirchengefchichte von Danemarh und Nor- 
wegan " (Mtlnter), in, 16. 

^Ibid., X, 645. 

^" Item quod Willelums Byggemane de Suetesham magister 
cujusdem navis vocatae le Trinyte, dictfe vulgariter dogger, 
Johannis Pigot et Henrici Sorysbi de Lenna Episcopi, circa 
festum Exultacionis Sanctse Crucis anno dicti regis vicesinio 
tertio, cepit unum pueram in partibus de Islandia, et ipsum 
duxit in dicta navi ad ibidem usque Suetsham, adsibi servien- 
dum, contra statuta regia in hoc parte facta." — Monunienta 
Juridicia (Black Book), i, 273. 



52 Pee-Columbian" Discoveet of 

not desirable to dwell upon such a familiar theme here. It 
suffices to say : The Zeno Map, published with the narra- 
tive in 1558, shows that the Zeno family had a knowledge 
of Greenland that could have been obtained only during the 
pre-Columbian times.^ 

In this connection the investigator must not overlook the 
voyage of Skolnus the Pole, which took place in 1476. 
Hakluyt says that this voyage is mentioned by Gemma 
Frisius and Girava.^ It is certainly referred to on an ancient 
globe of about 1510, preserved in Paris, and known as 
" The Rouen Globe," whereon, near the north-west coast of 
Greenland, is a legend declaring that Skolnus reached that 
point in 1476. This globe seems to antedate Gomara (1553), 
the earliest author that the writer has been able to consult. 

jSText, attention should be directed to the voyage of Co- 
lumbus, of which the Genoese himself gives the following 
account : 

"In the month of February, 1477, I sailed a hundred 
leagues beyond the island of Tliyle, the southern part of 
which is distant from the equinoctial 73 degrees, and not 63 
as some wish it to be ; nor does it lie upon the line where 
Ptolemy's west begins, but much more toward the west. And 
to this island, which is as large as England, the English 
come for traffic, and especially those of Bristol. And at 
the time I was there the sea was not frozen, but in some 

^ On Zeno, see " The Sailing Directions of Henry Hudsoji," 
p. 5; " The Northmen in Maine," p. 30. Also a full dis- 
cussion of the subject in the Hakluyt Society's edition of the 
voyage, edited by Major. 

* Hakluyt makes his reference in a general way, giving 
neither chapter nor page, Frisius published *' De Principius 
Astronomia3 & Cosniographiee," &c., in 1530. The " Cosmo- 
graphaicB,'^ of Hieronimo Girava was printed 1556. Gomara 
mentions Skolnus in his " Historia," c, xxxvii, Ed. 1553. See 
"The Sailing Directions of Henry Hudson,'^ p. 23, in con- 
nection wiih Wytfliet and Pontanus. For Hakluyt, see 
Maine Coll., S. 2, vol. ii, p. 148. 



Ameeica by the Northmen. 53 

places tlie tide rose 26 fathoms [feet], and fell the same."^ 
Whoever wrote the life of the Admiral, there is no question 
but that he made the voyage, Finn Magnussen has pointed 
out an interesting confirmation of the statement of Columbus 
respecting the mild weather in 1477, where he shows from 
the " Annals," the remarkable fact, that, in 1477, snow had 
not been seen at Eyaf jord, in the north of Iceland, as late 
as March.2 



^ The Italian runs as follows: " lo navigai I'anno 1477, nel 
mese di Febraio oltra Tile isola cento leghe, la ciu parte Aus- 
trale e lontana dalF Equinottiale settantatre gradi, et non ses- 
santra, come alcuni vogliono: ne giace dentro della linea, che 
include I'Occidente di Tolomeo, ma d molto piu Occidentale. 
Et a quest' isola, che e tanto grande come Flnghilterra, vanno 
gl'Inglesi con le loro mercatantie, specialmente quelli di 
Bristol. Et al tempo, che io vi andai, non era congelelate il 
mare che in alcuni luoghi ascendena ventesi braccia, et dis- 
cendena altro tanti in altezza." (Historia del S. D. Fernando 
Colombo, 1571, c. iv.) "Braccia" is evidently a clerical 
error, as the original Spanish will doubtless show, if ever 
found. That Columbus was familiar with the map in the 
Ptolemy of 1486, showing the northern regions, with Green- 
land as an extension of Europe, can hardly be doubted. His 
remark respecting Thyle appears to be intended almost as a 
correction of that map, on which the Orcades and Thyle are 
laid down north of Scotland, Thyle being in 63° N., while it 
appears again further north as "Islandia." This double 
representation of Iceland on the map was a blunder, the 
island being laid down first according to Ptolemy, and then 
according to the prevailing ideas of the day. This peculiar- 
ity of the map entitles it to interest as a Columbian map, 
though the feature referred to does not appear to have been 
remarked upon hitherto by any except the writer. 

2 The fact was produced from the Annals by Finn Magnus- 
sen, in " Nordisk Tidshrift for Olkyndiglied," vol. ii, p. 
128. It has been suggested, though without reason, that the 
voyage of Columbus was made in 1467. See Barrow's " Chro- 
nological History " p. 26. Columbus gives the wrong lati- 



54 Pee-Columbian" Discovery of 

To this period belongs the voyage of Robert Alcock, of 
Hull, who, in 1478, was commissioned by Edward lY to 
send a ship of 240 tons to Iceland, which was " to reload 
with fish or other goods."^ He was licensed again in 1483. 

Chaucer in the prologue to the Canterbury Tales, shows 
by his " Shipman " something of the activity of the British 
sailor at this period. 

An indication more to our present purpose is found in 
the poem on " The Policie of Keeping the Sea," which be- 
longs to the middle of the fifteenth century. At that time 
the northern region was so well known that the author of 
the poem disposes of the subject briefly : 

" Of Island to write is little nede, 

Save of stockfisli; yet forsooth, indeed, 
Out of Bristowe, and costes many one, 
Men have practiced by needle and stone 
Thider wardes within a little while 
Within twelve yere, and vnthout perill 
Gon and come, as men were wont of old 
Of Scarborough unto the costes cold,"^ 

Thus, at the time when the poet wrote, Bristol had re- 
vived her old enterprise. The maritime enterprise of this 
period is greatly underrated by Mr. Froude. The sketch 
now given of voyages toward the north, especially during 
the fourteeth and fifteenth centuries, is quite general. 
It would be easy to swell the citations from various sources, 
among which may be mentioned the voyages to the west of 
Ireland so well known to Columbus, as his biography 
proves. Yet enough has been said to show the real charac- 
ter of the period. The times, both before and after the 
general date assigned to the voyage of Columbus, were 

tudes for the places visited, but this may be the fault of the 
editor ; while Humboldt says that they were not the result of 
his own observations during a rough wintry voyage. See 
'' Examen Critique,^' ii, 115, and v, 214, n. In 1550 a 
Bristol ship was lost at Iceland. See Barrett's Bristol. 

^"FcBdera," xii, 94. 

"^ Hakluyt, vol. i, p. 201. Ed. 1599-1600. 



America by the Northmen. 55 

marked by great activity, and expeditions to the north were 
so common that neither the English nor the Icelanders took 
the trouble to mention them, except when they stood con- 
nected with circumstances of particular interest. The inter- 
course between Iceland and England was so frequent, that 
sailors like John May, who served as the representative of 
the Bishop of Holem, must have acquired a fair knowledge 
of the language spoken in that distant isle. Indeed, at one 
time, under the Normans, the Icelandic tongue gave a per- 
son the advantage at the courts of both England and 
France.^ 

But enough has been said to prove that the voyage of 
Columbus, in 1477, formed no novelty. His actions take 
their place with entire naturalness in the annals of his age, 
there being nothing in the nature of the voyage to challenge 
belief. 

Columbus had the most ample opportunities for learning 
of the voyages of the Northmen. He could not associate 
with the English sailors without hearing more or less about 
Iceland, and presumably of Greenland. He must have 
known that voyages were made to the west, though it is 
probable that he did not appreciate the importance of the 
information and failed to put it to use in the traditional con- 
nections. He argued, no doubt, that the land at the west 
visited by the Icelanders, was not the Indies, of which he 
was in search." This led him to take the Southern route 



' Laing's " Heimshringla," yo\. i, chap, viii, p. 61. 

^ When at the western end of Cuba on his second voyage, 
so certain was Columbus that he had reached the eastern 
coast of Asia that he required his companions, under oath, to 
declare that Cuba was nob an island but the continent, under 
penalty of 30,000 maravedis, and having their tongues cut 
out. See document in Navarrete's '' CoUecio7i," vol. ii, p. 
155. See, also, Gravier's translation of the Author's 
Treatise on the Lenox Globe, ^' Le Globe Lenox de 1511. 
Traduit de Anglaies par Gabriel Gravier," Rouen, 1880, 
p. 25. 



56 Pee-Columbian" Discovery of 

across the Atlantic' In this connection, however, the 
author has no interest in the work of lessening the 
deserved fame of Columbus. That Columbus knew of the 
westward voyages of the Icelanders is sufficiently evident. 
He clearly believed, as the Northmen did, namely, that Green- 
land was an extension of Norway, and that Yinland lay 
contiguous, while what he desired was to reach the eastern 
coast of Asia.2 

THE PRESENT STATE OF THE DISCUSSION. 

About fifty years have passed since the pubHcation of 



* See the author's " Cohimbus and the G-eograpliers of the 
North." Hartford, 1872. Those who are interested in belit- 
tling the work of Columbus can consult Goodrich's " Life of 
Columbus." See, also, "An Inglorious Columbus,'" by Ed. 
P. Vining, New York, 1885, a somewhat remarkable book; 
together with ^'America not Discovered by Columbus." ''An 
Historical Sketch of the Discovery of America by the Norse- 
men, in the Tenth Century, by Hasmus B. Anderson, A. M., 
with an Appendix on the Historical, Linguistic and Scientific 
Value of the Scandinavian Languages. New and Improved 
Edition. Chicago, 1877." On the routes across the Atlan- 
tic, see "Narrative and Critical History," iii, 172. 

^ The author does not find evidence of any plan or even any 
desire on the part of the authorities of the Roman church to 
suppress knowledge of the Icelandic voyages, in order to ex- 
alt Columbus. When invited to canonize Columbus, the body 
to which the subject was referred, reported adversely, one rea- 
son being that they had " grave doubts " concerning the pi-ivate 
character of Columbus, a subject that historical writers do not 
care to concern themselves about. Besides, in this country 
writers of the Roman church incessantly use the establish- 
ment of the Icelanders in New England as a ground of their 
own ecclesiastical priority. See Roman Catholic writers in 
general, and especially Dr. John Gilmary Shay and Dr. 
Clarke. On this point see the work of Miss Marie A. Brown on 
the Northmen, and the four numbers of her Journal, " Leif 
Ericson."' 



AmEEICA by the NORTHMEIS". 57 

Raf o's work on the antiquities of America, which gives the 
Icelandic text of the Sagas, accompanied bj translations in 
Latin and Danish. The appearance of that remarkable 
work excited surprise in man}' intelligent circles, though a 
general knowledge of the Icelandic voyages had long been 
in the possession of scholars, especially through the writings 
of Torfseus. The volume was favorably reviewed by Edward 
Everett, and, both in America and Europe, at once com- 
manded the attention of historians and antiquaries.^ While 
some of the more enthusiastic conclusions of Prof. Rafn 
have been disallowed, his main proposition has steadily 
gained favor, it being conceded that voyages were made by 
the Northmen to New England in the eleventh century. 

On this subject Humboldt speaks most emphatically, say- 
ing with regard to " the undoubted first discovery of Amer- 
ica, in its northern portion by the Northmen," that, "whilst 
the Caliphate still flourished under the Abassidesat Bagdad, 
and Persia was under the dominion of Samanides, whose age 
was so favorable to poetry, America was discovered in the 
year 1000 by Leif, son of Eric the Red, by the northern 
route and as far 41° 30' north latitude."^ 

Turning to our own country we have the testimony of a 
laborious and painstaking investigator like Palfrey, who 
examined the whole subject, and gives us as his final conclu- 
sion respecting the Sagas, that "their antiquity and genu- 
ineness appear to be well established, nor is there any thing 
to bring their credibility into question beyond the general 
doubt which always attaches to what is new or strange."^ 

As the result, historical wa-iters in general accept the 
Sagas as authority, and usually locate Leif Ericson's settle- 
ment in New England.* 



1 (I j^orth American Review.*' 

^ "Cosmos, ''vol. II, p. 603. "Examen Critique." 

* History of Neiu England, vol. ii, p. 53. 

* See such works as the Bryant-Gay '' History of the United 
States.^' 



58 Pre-Columbian Discovery of 

A large proportion of the American school histories give 
the voyages of the Northmen to America, and there is now 
being raised up a generation that will be free from that old 
bias, which formerly gave Columbus the field, to the exclu- 
sion not only of the Northmen, but of the Cabots, who saw 
the American Continent before Columbus could possibly 
have done so.^ 

In New England the study of the Icelandic Sagas has 
resulted in the erection of a statue to Leif Ericson in the 
City of Boston. This was not accomplished without oppo- 
sition, the movement having been opposed by a class of 
men, small in numbers, but whose general attainments and 
devotion to the study of historical subjects entitle any opin- 
ion they may present to respectful consideration. They 
represent what, in some respects, may, perhaps, be regarded 
as a conservative element, an element of value in connection 
with historical study, even as when joined to politics, 
theology and sociology. It often, however, misses its aim, 
and helps forward, rather than hinders, the progress of a new 
line of thought. Certain it is in the present case, that op- 
position has stimulated investigation and advanced the 
influence of the Sagas as historical documents. It is, there- 
fore, in vain that those to whom reference is made under- 
take to declare, that " There is the same sort of reason for 
believing in the existence of Leif Ericson that there is for 
believing in the existence of Agamemnon ; they are both 
traditions accepted by later writers." 

It is suflficiently evident that local feeling, which often 
vitiates the studies of the most accomplished men, enters 
into this singular declaration. It serves no special pur- 
pose, beyond proving a feehng of irritation on the part of 
men accustomed to have every utterance received with 
deference, but who have discovered a certain inability to 

' See author's article on the Claim of Cabot in the Independ- 
ent, and Dr. Deane's discussion of the Cabot question, Nar- 
rative and Critical History, vol. iii, and separate, Cambridge, 
1888. 



Amekica by the Northmen". 59 

control public opinion in connection with historical monu- 
ments. The people have moved on, and left them behind. 
But, notwithstanding their opposition, the study of the 
whole subject of Pre-Columbian Discovery is indebted to 
their efforts, and the student of the Sagas should regard it 
as fortunate, that the opposition has come from so influen- 
tian a source, since, in the future, when thevSe compositions 
shall have gained unanimous belief, it may prove a source of 
satisfaction to know that the veracity of the old Icelandic 
chronicler was established in the face of persevering and 
determined organized opposition.' The future of the Ice- 
landic Sagas relating to America is plain. Their simple, 
unaffected statements, all uncolored either by personal 
vanity or national ambition, will more and more win the 
confidence of historians, who find in these statements, 
committed to writing, as all the testimony proves, in 
Pre-Columbian times, convincing and unanswerable proof 
of the fact that Leif Ericson and other adventurers found 
America and visited i^ew England during the times and 
under the circumstances described.^ 



' Massachusetts Historical Society Proceedings, December, 
1887. The opinion of so distinguished an Icelandic scholar 
as Professor Dasent alone would be accepted in critical circles 
as disposing of any opinion propounded by the Committee 
responsible for the above statement. 

°Pp. 76-132, vol. I, '' Narrative and Critical History," con- 
tain a large amount of matter relating to this subject, and 
the contribution is one of much value; though it is to be re- 
gretted that the labor should be employed, largely, it would 
seem, for the purpose of belittling the subject. Yet, with 
unequalled facilities at the Editor's command, it cannot be 
said that the authority of the Sagas has been shaken. We 
find, substantially, opinion arrayed against argument, and the 
wealth of bibliography and illustration simply renders more 
apparent the weakness of the Editor's cause. Adverse criti- 
cism cannot grapple successfully with the subject, and may 
be considered as having done its worst, while unfortunately 



60 Pke-Columbian Discovery of 

the icelandic narratives. 

It now remains to give the reader some general account 
of the contents of the narratives which relate more or less 
to the discovery of the Western continent. It may be well 
first, however, to notice an attempt at criticism made in the 
North American Review,,^ which assumes that the Sagas are 
simply reductions of old ballads, because Sturleson admits 
that 2^, jpart of his " Heimskringla " was so produced. As it 
happens, however, the Vinland Sagas contain only four 
poetical fragments, while in the Heimskringla they abound. 
A few verses are also found in Landanama, in its second part, 
the origin of which is absolutely known. The first part was 
composed in the eleventh century and the second in the 
fourteenth, when the ballad theory becomes positively ab- 
surd. This work likewise contains two more extracts from 
the poem " Havgerdinger," which is also quoted in the Saga 
relating to the first voyage of Biarne to America, proving 
clearly that it was a well-known and popular song, quoted by 
the different writers just as Shakespere is quoted to-day. 
Sometime, too, these quotations have no real relation to the 
subject, having been introduced on the principle which 
governs the introductions of songs and hymns on oratorical 
occasions in our times. 

Nevertheless empty theories like this are devised, showing 
that the critic has no proper conception of the nature of 
Icelandic literature, either in prose or verse. ^ 

In speaking of these records the order followed will be 
that which is indicated by the table of contents at the be- 
ginning of the volume. 



the effect leaves behind on the pages of a noble work what in 
the future will be recognized not only as a useful and stimu- 
lating contribution, but a scar. 

1 July, 18G9, pp. 265-72. 

2 The critic in question was replied to by the author in 
'* liiotes on a Review of the Pre-Columbian Discovery of 
America by the Northmen^ Charlestown, Mass., 1869. 



AmEKICA by the NOETHMESr. 61 

The first extracts given are very brief. They are taken 
from the Landanama Book^ and relate to the report in 
general circulation, indicating one Gunnbiorn as the 
discoverer of Greenland, an event which has been fixed at 
the year 876. These fragments also give an account of a 
voyage to what was called Gunnbiorn's Rocks, where the 
adventurers passed the winter, and found in a hole, or exca- 
vation, a sum of money, which indicated that others had 
frequented the place before them. 

The next narrative relates to the re-discovery of Greenland 
by the outlaw, Eric the Red, in 983, who there passed three 
years in exile, and afterward returned to Iceland. About 
the year 986, he brought out to Greenland a considerable 
colony of settlers, who fixed their abode at Brattahlid, in 
Ericsfiord. 

Then follow two versions of the voyage of Biarne Heriulf ■ 
son, who, in the same year, 986, when saihng for Greenland, 
was driven away during a storm, and saw a new land at the 
southward, which he did not visit. He was complained of, 
because he did not describe it carefully, so that Leif had only 
the most vague reports for his guidance. 

Next follows three accounts of the voyage of Leif, son 
of Eric the Red, who, in the year 1000, sailed from Brattah- 
lid to find the land which Biarne saw. Two of these ac- 
counts are hardly more than notices of the voyage, but the 
third is of considerable length, and details the successes of 
Leif, who found and explored this new land, where he spent 
the winter, returning to Greenland the following spring. 
With his descriptions we find ourselves on solider ground 
than the voyage of Biarne. 

After this follows the voyage of Thorvald Ericson, brother 
of Leif, who sailed to Vinland from Greenland, which was 
the point of departure in all these voyages. This expedition 
was begun in 1002, and it cost him his life, as an arrow 
from one of the natives pierced his side. 

Thorstein, his brother, went to seek Vinland, with the 
intention of bringing home his body, but failed in the at- 



62 Pke-Oolumbian Discovery of 

tempt, and was driven back, passing the winter in a part of 
Greenland remote from Brattalilid, where he died before the 
spring fully opened. 

The most distinguished explorer was the great Thorfinn 
Karlsefne, an Icelander whose genealogy runs back in the 
old Northern annals, through Danish, Swedish, and even 
Scotch and Irish ancestors, some of whom were of royal 
blood. In the year 1006 he went to Greenland, where he 
met Gudrid, widow of Thorstein, whom he married. Ac- 
companied by his wife, who urged him to the undertaking, 
he sailed for Yinland in the spring of 1007, with three vessels 
and one hundred and sixty men. He remained in Vinland 
three years. Here his son Snorre was born. This Snorre 
afterwards became the founder of a great family in Iceland, 
which gave the island several of its earlier bishops. Thorfinn 
finally left Vinland because he found it difficult to sustain 
himself against the attacks of the natives. He seems to 
have spent the most of the time in the vicinity of Mount 
Hope Bay in Rhode Island. Of this expedition we have 
three narratives, all of which are given. 

The next to undertake a voyage was a wicked woman 
named Freydis, sister of Leif Ericson, who went to Vinland 
in 1011, where she lived for a time with her two ships' crews 
in the same places occupied by Leif and Thorfinn. Before 
she returned, she caused the crew of one ship to be cruelly 
murdered, assisting in the butchery with her own hands. 

After this we have what are called the Minor Narratives, 
which are not essential, yet they are given, that the reader 
may be in the possession of all that relates to the subject. 
The first of these refers to a voyage of Are Marson to a 
land south-west of Ireland, called Hvitraramana-land, or 
Great Ireland. This was prior to Leif's voyage to Vinland, 
or New England, taking place in the year 983. Biorn As- 
brandson is supposed to have gone to the same place in 999. 
The voyage of Gudleif, who went thither, is assigned to the 
year 1027. The narrative of Asbrandson is given for the 
sake of the allusion at the close. 



America by the Northmen. 63 

Finally we have a few scraps of history which speak of 
a voyage of Bishop Eric to Vinland in 1121, of the re-dis- 
covery of Helluland (Newfoundland) in 1285, and of a voy- 
age to Markland (Nova Scotia) in 1347, whither the North- 
men came to cut timber. With such brief notices the ac- 
counts come to an end. 



THE TEUTHFULTSTESS OF THE NARRATIVES. 

The reader will occasionally iind in these narratives in- 
stances of a marvelous and supernatural character, but there 
is nothing at all mythological, as persons ignorant of their 
nature have supposed. Besides there are multitudes of nar- 
ratives of a later date, to be found in all languages, which 
contain as many statements of a marvelous nature as these 
Sagas, which, nevertheless, contain a substantial ground-work 
of truth. All early histories abound in the supernatural, 
and these things are so well known that illustrations are 
hardly needed here. The relation of prodigies in nowise 
destroys the credibility of historical statement. If this were 
not so, we should be obliged to discard the greater portion 
of well-known history, and even suspect plain matters of 
fact in the writings of such men as Dr. Johnson, because 
that great scholar fully believed in the reality of an appari- 
tion known in London as the Cock- Lane Ghost. The Sagas 
are as free from superstition and imagination as most other 
narratives of that age, and are just as much entitled to belief. 

There will also, in certain cases, be found contradictions. 
The statements of the different narratives do not always 
coincide. The disagreements are, however, neither very 
numerous nor remarkable. The discrepancies are ex- 
actly what we should expect to find in a series of nar- 
ratives written at different times and by different hands. 
The men who recorded the various expeditions to New 
England in the eleventh century agree, on the whole, 
quite as well as the writers of our own day, who, with 
vastly greater advantages, undertake to narrate the events 



64 Pre-Columbian" Discovert of 

of the colonization of America in the seventeenth cen- 
turj.i 

Therefore these marvelous statements and occasional con- 
tradictions in nowise detract from the historic value of the 
documents themselves, which, even in their very truthful- 
ness to the times, give every evidence of authenticity and 
great worth. To this general appearance of truthfulness 
we may, however, add the force of those undesigned coin- 
cidences between writers widely separated and destitute of 
all means of knowing what had been already said. The 
same argument may be used with the Sagas which had been 
so powerfully employed by Paley and others in vindicating 
the historical character of the New Testament.^ In these 
narratives, as in those of SS. Paul and John, it may be 
used with overwhelming effect. Yet we should not fear to 
dispense with all auxiliary aids. We are willing to rest 
the whole question of the value of these narratives upon 
their age; for if the Sagas date back to a period long 
prior to the voyage of Columbus, then the Northmen 
are entitled to the credit of having been the first Euro- 
peans to land upon these shores. But the date of these 



^ The liability of the best historians to fall into error is 
illustrated by Paley, who shows the serious blunders in the 
accounts of the Marquis of Argyle's death, in the reign of 
Charles II: ''Lord Clarendon relates that he was con- 
demned to be hanged, which was performed the same day; on 
the contrary, Burnet, Woodrow, Heath and Echard concur in 
stating that he was heheaded, and that he was condemned 
upon Saturday and executed on Monday." — Evidences of 
Christianity, ^2kxi iii, chap. i. So Mr. Bancroft found it im- 
possible to give with any accuracy the location of the French 
colony of St. Savior, established on the coast of Maine, by 
Saussaye, in 1613. Bancroft tells us that it was on the north 
bank of the Penobscot, while it is perfectly well known that 
it was located on the island of Mount Desert, a long way off, 
in the Atlantic ocean. 

^ This is the language held in the first edition of the work, 



America by the NoRTHMEisr. 65 

narratives has now been settled beyond reasonable ques- 
tion. The doubts of the ablest critical minds, both in 
Europe and America, have been effectually laid to rest, and 
at the end of all the years that have passed since the first 
edition of this work came from the press, we are obliged to 
repeat that the reply now given to the Northern Antiquary 
is often " some feeble paragraph pointed with a sneer." 

We need not, therefore, appear before the public to cry, 
" Place for the Northmen ! " They can win their own 
place, as of old. They are as strong to-day in ideas, as an- 
ciently in arms. 

MONUMENTS AND REMAINS. 

That the Northmen left no pronounced architectural re- 
mains in New England may be true. Professor Rafn sup- 
posed that he found in the celebrated Dighton Pock^ and 



though one might infer from the language employed by 
Diman in his review of the book in the North American Re- 
view (July, 1869) that the author was at that time wholly 
unacquainted with the fact. Our language seems to have 
escaped the attention of the reviewer. 

' Dighton Eock, known as the Writing Rock, is situated 
six and a half miles south of Taunton, Mass., on the east side 
of Taunton river, formed by Assonnet Neck. It lies in the 
edge of the river, and is left dry at low water. It is a boul- 
der of fire graywack, twelve feet long and five feet high, and 
faces the bed of the river. Its front is now covered with 
chiseled inscriptions of what appear to be letters and outlines 
of men, animals and birds. As early as the year 1680, Dr. 
Danforth secured a drawing of the upper portion; Cotton 
Mather made a full copy in 1712; and in 1788, Professor 
Winthrop, of Harvard College, took a full-sized impression 
on prepared paper. Various other copies have been made at 
different times, all of which present substantially the same 
features. Yet in the interpretation of the inscription there 
has been little agreement. The old rock is a riddle. A copy 
of the inscription was shown to a Mohawk chief, who decided 
9 



66 Pke-Ooltjmbian Discovert of 

the stone mill at Newport, evidences of the Icelandic occu- 
pation. Any serious efforts to identify the Dighton in- 
scription and the Newport Mill with the age of the North- 



that it was nothing less than the representation of a triumph 
by Indians over a wild beast, which took place on this spot. 
Mr. Schoolcraft also showed a copy to Chingwank, an Algon- 
quin well versed in picture-writing, who gave a similar inter- 
pretation. The Eoman characters in the central part of the 
composition he was finally induced to reject, as having no 
connection with the rest. Whoever compares this inscription 
with those of undeniably Indian origin found elsewhere, 
cannot fail to be impressed with the similarity. Neverthe- 
less, members of the Eoyal Society of Antiquaries, to whose 
notice it was brought by the Ehode Island Historical Society, 
felt strongly persuaded that the rock bore evidence of the 
Northman's visit to these shores. Mr. Laing, the accom- 
plished translator of the Heimskringla, in discussing the 
theories in regard to the inscription, says, that the only 
resemblance to letters is found in the middle of the stone, in 
which antiquaries discover the name of Thorfinn, that is, 
Thorfinn Karlsefne, the leader of the expedition which came 
to New England in 1007. Just over these letters is a charac- 
ter, supposed to be Roman also, Avhich may signify NA, or 
MA, the letter A being formed by the last branch of M. Now 
MA in Icelandic is used as an abbreviation of Madr, which 
signifies the original settler of a country. Close to these two 
letters are several numerals, construed to mean one hundred 
and -fifty-one. According to the account of the voyage, Thor- 
finn lost nine of the one hundred and sixty men with whom 
it is presumed he started, and therefore one hundred and fifty- 
one would exactly express the number with him at the time 
he is supposed to have cut the inscription. This, then, 
would mean altogether, that Thorfinn Karlsefne established 
himself here with one hundred and fifty-one men. Yet, as 
the testimony of this rock is not needed, we may readily 
forego any advantage that can be derived from its study. 
Besides, the history of similar cases should serve to temper 
our zeal. In the time of Saxo G-rammatticus (1160), there 



America by the Northmen'. 67 

men can only serve to injure a good cause. If Professor 
Rafn could have seen these memorials himself, he would 
doubtless have been among the first to question the truth of 
the theory which he set forth. 



was a stone at Hoby, near Runamoe, in the Swedish province 
of Bleking, which was supposed to be sculptured with runes. 
At a late day copies were furnished the antiquary, who came 
to the conclusion, as Laing tells us, that it was a genuine in- 
scription, referring to the battle of Braaville, fought in the 
year 680. It afterward turned out that the, apparent inscrip- 
tion was made by the disintegration of veins of a soft material 
existing in the rock. Yet the Dighton inscription is beyond 
question the work of man. Mr. A. E. Kendal, writing in 
1807, says that there was a tradition that Assonnet Neck, on 
which tongue of land the rock is situated, was once a place 
of banishment among the Indians. He states, further, that 
the Indians had a tradition to the effect that in ancient times 
some ivliite men in a bird landed there and were slaughtered 
by the aborigines. They also said thunder and lightning 
issued from the bird, which fact indicates that this event, if 
it occurred at all, must be referred to the age of gunpowder, 
suggesting the visit made by Verrazano to New England, but 
very likely pointing to some later navigator. Mr. Kendal 
mentions the story of a ship's anchor having been found there 
at an early day. In former years the rock was frequently dug 
under by the people, in the hope of finding concealed treas- 
ures. It is said that a small rock once existed near by, which 
also bore marks of human hands. The Portsmouth and 
Tiverton Eocks, described by Mr. Webb {Antiquitates Ameri- 
canm, pp. 355-71), are doubtless Indian inscriptions; while 
that on the island of Monhegan, off the coast of Maine, may 
perhaps be classed with the rock of Hoby. After all, it is 
possible that the cejitral portion of the inscription on the 
Dighton Rock may be the work ,of the Northmen. That two 
distinct parties were concerned in making the inscription is 
clear from the testimony of the Indians, who did not ^jretend 
to understand the portion thought to refer to Karlsefne. For 
the full discussion, see, Antiquitates AmericancB, p. 378, et seq. 



G8 PRE-COLTJMBIASr DISCOVERY OF 

In regard to the structure at Newport, Professor Rafii 
says that he is inclined to believe " that it had a sacred des- 
tination, and that it belonged to some monastery or Chris- 
tian place of worship of one of the chief parishes in Vin- 
land. In Greenland," he says, " there are to be found ruins 
of several round buildings in the vicinity of the churches. 
One of this description, in diameter about twenty-six feet, 
is situated at the distance of three hundred feet to the east- 
ward of the great church in Igalliko ; another of forty-four 
feet in diameter, at the distance of four hundred and forty 
feet to the eastward of the church in Karkortok ; . . . 
a third, of thirty-two feet in diameter amongst the ruins of 
sixteen buildings at Kanitsok."^ He supposes that all these 
ancient remains of the Icelanders, which are to be seen in 
Greenland to-day, are baptisteries, similar to those of Italy. 

According to this view, there must have been a consider- 
able ecclesiastical establishment in Vinland, which is not 
clearly indicated by the Sagas, from which we learn no more 
than the simple fact that Bishop Eric sailed on a voyage to 
this place in the year 1121. But is it probable that the 
Northmen would have erected a baptistery like this, and, at 
the same time, left no other monument ? It seems hardly 
reasonable. Besides, whoever examines this ancient struct- 
ure must be impressed by its modern aspect, so especially 
apparent in the mortar, which has been analyzed and found 
to be substantially the same as the mortar used in some of 
the early structures of Newport. The displacement of a 
portion of the masonry might perhaps reveal some peculiarity 
that would effectually settle the question of its antiquity to 
the satisfaction of all if any question remains.^ 

' Memoirs des Antiquaires du Nord, 1839-9, p. 377. 

* See Mag. American History, vol. in, p. 541. The old 
mill at Newport stands on an eminence in the center of the 
town, being about twenty -four feet high, and twenty- three 
feet in diameter. It rests upon eight piers and arches. It 
has four small windows, and, high up the wall, above the 
arches, was a small fireplace. It is first distinctly mentioned 



America by the NoRTHMEisr. 69 

In Greenland the evidences of the Northmen's occupa- 
tion are abundant, because they were regularly established 



in the will of Governor Benedict Arnold, of Newport, where 
it is called, " my stone-built wind mill." It is known that 
during the eighteenth century it served both as a mill and 
powder-house. Edward Pelham, who married Governor 
Arnold's grand-daughter, in 1740 also called it " an old stone 
mill." Peter Easton, who early went to live in Newport, 
wrote in 1663, that ''this year we built the first windmill; " 
and August 28, 1675, he says, " a storm blew down our wind- 
mill." What Easton relates occurred before Governor Arnold 
writes about his stone windmill, and it is not unreasonable to 
suppose that when the one spoken of by Easton was destroyed 
he built something more substantial. Yet we cannot say that 
this was actually the case. Some old tower may have been 
adapted by him for the purposes of a mill, when the one 
mentioned by Easton was destroyed. The family of the Gov- 
ernor is said to have come from Warwickshire, England. One 
of his farms was called the Leamington Farm, as is supposed, 
from the place by that name near Warwick. In addition to 
this, m the Chesterton Parish, three miles from Leamington, 
there is an old windmill similar in construction to that at 
Newport. It is supposed that it was erected on pillars for 
pneumatic reasons, and, also, that carts might thus go under- 
neath to be loaded and unloaded with greater ease. It has 
been suggested, that if Gov. Arnold came from Warwick- 
shire, of which the proof is not given, and if the Chesterton 
Mill was standing at the time of his departure for New Eng- 
land, he might have built a mill at Newport after the same 
model. Yet this is something we know little about. 
Whence came the Chesterton Mill itself? There was a tradi. 
Hon that it was built after a design by Inigo Jones, but this 
is only a tradition. That structure also might have belonged 
to the class of Towers, of which one at least was built by 
Northmen in Greenland. All is, therefore, in a measure, 
doubtful. It will hardly help the Northmen to class this 
Newport relic with their works. See Palfrey's Neio England, 
vol. I, pp. 57-59. Scribner's Monthly, March, 1879. 



70 PRE-COLUMBIAlSr DISCOVERT OF 

on the ground for generations, and formed their public and 
private edifices of the only material at hand, which was well 
nigh imperishable. But their visits to New England were 
comparatively few, and were scattered over many years. 
Owing to the weakness of their numbers, they found perma- 
nent colonies impracticable. Thorfinn Karlsefne deliber- 
ately gave np the attempt at the end of a three years' ex- 
periment, saying that it would be impossible to maintain 
themselves against the more numerous bands of natives. 
Their habitations were temporary. The various companies 
that came into Yinland, instead of building stone houses 
occupied temporary huts or booths, like Leif's booths, and 
simply added others similar to them when they afforded in- 
sufficient quarters. To ask for monumental proofs of the 
occupation of the Northmen is, therefore, unreasonable, 
since their wooden huts and timber crosses must soon have 
disappeared. The memorial we have a right to expect is 
some relic, a coin or amulet, perhaps, that chance may yet 
throw in the antiquary's way,' or some excavation, it may 



^ Many have supposed that the skeleton in armor, dug 
up near Fall River, was a relic of the Northmen, being the 
remains of one of those men killed by the natives in the bat- 
tle with Karlsefne. But it would be far more reasonable to 
look for traces of the Northmen among the Indians of Gaspe, 
who, at an early day, were distinguished for an unusual de- 
gree of civilization. Malte Brun tells us that they wor- 
shiped the sun, knew the points of the compass, observed the 
position of some of the stars, and traced maps of their coun- 
try. Before the French missionaries went among them they 
worshiped the figure of the cross, and had a tradition that a 
venerable person once visited them, during an epidemic, 
curing many by the use of that symbol. See Malte Brun's 
Geography (English edition), vol. v, p. 135. Malte Brun's 
authority is Father Leclerc's '^Nouvelle Relation de la Gas- 
pesie," Paris, 1672. See on the Skeleton in Armour Mass. 
Hist. Coll. 1837; also Williamson, "the Northmen in Maine,"' 
Hist. Mag., Jan., 1869, p. 30. At Pittston, Me., trees three 



America by the Northmen. 71 

be a trench, conduit, cellar or incipient fortress. In the 
meanwhile, among scholars, the Icelandic narratives are 
steadily winning their way to unquestioned belief. This is 
all the more gratifying in an age like the present, in which 
large portions of history are being dismissed to the realms 
of hoary fable, and all the annals of the past are being 
studied in a critical spirit, with true aims and a pure 
zeal. 



feet in diameter and with six hundred annular rings, were 
found associated with brick work, which, so far as appear- 
ances went, antedated the trees. In connection with things 
of this sort we may also consult such curious compositions as 
"Traces of the Northmen in America/' 1861, by Abner 
Morse. 



\ 



PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOYERY. 



I. FRAGMENTS FEOM LANDANAMA-BOOK. 

The following extracts from the Landanama,^ give us 
the earliest information on record, in regard to the west- 
ward movements of the Icelanders. The men referred to 
were well known, and the mention of their names and ex- 
ploits in this great work, than which no higher authority- 
could be produced, is gratifying. These extracts, which 
are given in the order in which they stand in vol. i, of 
GrdnlarKVs HistorisTce Mindesmoerher, " The Historical 
Monuments of Greenland," the greater portion of which 
work is the labor of Finn Magnussen, have probably never 
ajDpeared before in an English dress. The first extract 
simply mentions Gunnbiorn and his Rocks ; the second shows 
that Eric the Red obtained at least a portion of his knowl- 
edge of Greenland through this person ; the third again 
gives the name of Gunnbiorn ; while the fourth furnishes a 
brief account of an early voyage to the Rocks. It appears 



' Tlie Landanaona-hooTc. This is probably the most complete 
record of the kind ever made by any nation. It is of the 
same general character as the English Doomsday Book, but 
vastly superior in interest and value. It contains the names 
of three thousand persons and one thousand four hundred 
places. It gives a correct account of genealogies of the first 
settlers, with brief notices of their achievements. It was 
commenced by the celebrated Erode, the Wise, who was born 
1067, and died 1148, and was continued by Kalstegg, Styr- 
mer and Thordsen, being completed by Hauk Erlendson, 
Lagman, or Governor of Iceland, who died in the year 1334. 
10 



74 Pee- Columbian Discovert of 

from these references, that, previous to the saiHng of Eric 
the Ked, the existence of land at the west was well under- 
stood. The report of Gunnbiorn's adventure was quite 
generally circulated amongst the people. Are Mason's voy- 
age to the West, we shall see, was 983, or three years earlier. 



1. There was a man named Grimkel [A. D. 876], son of 
Ulf Hreiparson, called Krage, and brother to Gunnbiorn,^ 
after whom Gunnbiorn's Rocks* are named. He took pos- 
session of that piece of land that exteuds from Berevigs 
Roin to Ness Eoin, and out round the point of the cape. 
He lived on Saxahval. He drove away Saxe, a son of 
Alfarin Yaleson, and he lived on the Roin of Saxahval. 
Alfarin Valeson had first taken possession of the cape be- 
tween Berevigs Roin and Enne. 

2. Eric Red [A. D. 983] said that he intended to find 



' Gunnbiorn appears to have been a Northman who settled 
in Iceland at an early day. Nothing more is known of him. 

^ Torfaeus says that these rocks lie six sea miles out from 
Geirfuglesker, out from Eeikiavek, and twelve miles south of 
Garde in Greenland, yet they cannot now be found. It is 
not too much to suppose that they have been sunk by some 
of those fearful convulsions which have taken place in Ice- 
land; yet it is quite as reasonable to conclude that these rocks 
were located elsewhere, probably nearer tbe east coast, which 
was formerly more accessible than now. In the version of the 
Account of Greenland, by Ivar Bardson (see " Atitiquitates 
AmericmicB," p. 301), given from a Faroese Mamiscript, and 
curiously preserved by Purchas, "His Pilgrimgae,'' vol. iii, 
p. 518, we read as follows: ^' Item, men shall know, that, be- 
tween Island and Greenland, lyeth a Risse called Gornhornse- 
Skare. There were they wont to haue their passage for Gron- 
land. But as they report there is Ice upon the same Risse, 
come out of the Long North Bottome, so that we cannot use 
the same old Passage as tliey thinke." See "^ Sailing Direc- 
tions of Henry Hudson.'^ 



America by the Northmen. 75 

the land that was seen by Giinnbiorn,^ Ulf Krage's son, 
when he was driven by a storm west from Iceland, and 
found Gunnbiorn's Rocks. [A. D. 876.] At the same time 
he said if he did not find the land he would return to his 
friends. 

3. Two sons of Gunnbiorn, Ulf Krage's son, after whom 
Gunnbiorn's Rocks were named, were called Gunstein and 
Haldor. They took possession of Skotufiorden, Loigardelen 
and Ogursvigen to Mjorfiord. Berse was Haldor's son, 
father to Thormod Kalbrunarskald. 

4. Sncebiorn (Holmstein's son), called Galte, owned a ship 
[A. D. 970], that lay in the mouth of Grimsar (in Bor- 
gafiorden). Rolf, from Rodesand, bought a half of the ship. 
Each of the parties mustered twelve men. "With Snsebiorn 
was Thorkel and Sumarlide, sons of Thorgier Red, son of 
Einar, from Stafholdt. 

Snsebiorn also took Thorod from Thingness, his step- 
father and his five sons, and Rolf took Stserbiorn. The last 
named recited the following verse, after he had a dream: 

Botli ours 
dead I see; 
all empty 

in Northwestern Sea; 
cold weather 
great suffering, 
I expect 
Snaebiorn's death.2 

They sought Gunnbiorn's Rocks and found land. Snaebiorn 
would not permit any one to go ashore in the night. Stser- 
biorn landed, notwithstanding, and found a purse^ with 

^ Torfffius says {Greenlandia, p. 73) that "Eric the Red 
first lived in Greenland, but it was discovered by the man 
called Gunnbiorn. After him Gunnbiorn's Rocks are called" 
(2d ed. 1755). 

2 The translation is literal or nearly so, and the sense is ob- 
scure. 

* The place of concealment appears to have been an excava- 



76 Pee-Oolumbian Discovert of 

money in an earth hole, and concealed it. Snsebiorn hit 
him with an axe so that the purse dropped. 

They built a cabin to live in, and it was all covered with 
snow. Thorkel Red's son found that there was water on 
a shelf that stood out of the cabin window. This was 
in the month of Goe.^ They shoveled the snow away. 
Snsebiorn rigged the ship; Thorod and five of his party 
were in the hut, and Stserbiorn and several men of Rolfs 
party. Some hunted.^ Stserbiorn killed Thorod, but both 



tion covered ■with stone or wood. That the people were some- 
times accustomed to hide money in this way is evident. This 
was hidden there by Irishmen or Icelanders who may have 
been on their way to Greenland, though possibly hidden by 
pirates who early sailed the northern seas. We read in the Saga 
of Eric the Eed, that Eric at first intended to go with his 
son, Leif, on his voyage to discover the land seen by Heriulf, 
and which Leif named Vinlaud. On his Avay to the ship, 
Eric's horse stumbled, and he fell to the ground seriously in- 
jured, and was obliged to abandon the voyage. He accepted 
this as a judgment for having, as one preparation for his ab- 
sence, buried his money, where his wife, Thorhild, would not 
be able to find it. 

1 This is believed to have been about February, affording 
one of many indications that the climate of that region has 
become more rigorous than formerly. The fact that water 
did not freeze indicates mild weather, which we might infer 
from the fact of their rigging their vessels, and from the 
preparation made for sea. In regard to the term "Goe," 
*' Grbnland's Historiske Mindesmoerker " (vol. i, p. 7), says: 
"This name was before used in Denmark, which Etatsraad 
Werlauf has discovered on the inscription of a Danish Rune- 
Stone." 

2 The facts that they engaged in hunting, and that they 
built a cabin to live in, might at first lead some to suppose 
that the place contained a forest or more or less trees, to sup- 
ply wood. Yet this does not follow, as driftwood supplied 
all wants for building purposes where they could not obtain 
or use stone. Regarding driftwood, Crantz says, in speaking 



America by the Northmen. 77 

he and Rolf killed Snsebiorn. Red's sons and all the rest 
were obliged to take the oath of allegiance to save their 
lives. Thej arrived on their return at Helgeland, Norway, 
and later at Yadil in Iceland.^ 



11. THE COLONIZATION OF GREENLAND. 

The Urst document relating to the settlement of Green- 
land by the Northmen, is taken from the Saga of Eric the 
Red, as given in Professor Rafn's ^^Antiquitates Ameri- 

of Greenland: "For as He has denied this frigid, rocky re- 
gion the growth of trees, He has bid the storms of the ocean 
convey to its shores a great deal of wood, which accordingly 
comes floating thither, part without ice, but the most part 
along with it, and lodges itself between the islands. Were it 
not for this, we Europeans should have no wood to burn 
there — Among this wood are great trees torn up by the roots, 
which by driving up and down for many years and dashing 
and rubbing on the ice, are quite bare of branches. A small 
part of this driftwood are willows, alder and birch trees, 
which come out of the bays in the south; also large trunks 

of aspen trees, but the greatest part is pine and fir. We 

find, also, a good deal of a sort of wood, finely veined, and 
with few branches; this, I fancy, is larchwood. .. .There 
is also a solid, reddish wood of a more agreeable fragrancy 
than the common fir, with visible cross veins, which I take to 
be the same species as the beautiful silver firs, or zirbel, that 
have the smell of cedar, and grow on the high (xrison hills, 
and the Switzers wainscot their rooms with them." — ' 'History 
of Greenland,'^ vol. i, p. 37. 

^ If any confirmation were needed of the truth of this nar- 
rative, or of the killing of Sngebiorn and Thorod, we might 
look for it in the equally well-known fact, that after the 
return of the voyagers to Iceland, the death of these two men 
was fearfully revenged by their friends. 



78 Pee-Columbian" Discovery of 

canos,!'^ Besides the history of Eric and his sons, that Saga 
contains notices of other voyages. The following are simply 
extracts. The whole Saga does not necessarily apply to the 
subject under examination — the Discovery of America. 
The second extract, which gives more of the particulars, is 
from '■'' Gronland) s Historiske MindesmxBrker^'' vol. ii, p. 
201. The third is also taken from the same great historical 
depository. 

FIRST NARRATIVE. 

There was a man named Thorvald, son of Osvald, son 
of Ulf-Oexna Thorerisson. Thorvald and his son were ob- 
liged to leave Jardar' and go to Iceland, on account of 
manslaughter. At that time Iceland was generally colo- 
nized.^ 1'liGy first lived in Drangey, where Thorvald died. 
Then Eric married Thorhild, daughter of Jorund and 
Thorbiarg Knarrabringa, whom afterward Thorbiorn of 
Haukdale married. Eric moved from the north, and fixed 
his abode in Ericstad opposite Yatshorn. The son of Eric 
and Thorhold was named Leif. But after Eyulf Soers and 
Holm-Gang Rafn's murder, Eric was banished from Hauk- 
dale. Eric went westward to Breidafiord and lived at Oex- 
ney in Ericstad. He lent Thorgest his seat-posts,^ and he 
could not get them again. He then demanded them. Then 
came disputes and hostility between him and Thorgest, which 
is told in the history of Eric. Styr Thorgrira's son, Eyulf 
of Svinoe, the sons of Brand of Aptelfiord and Thorbiorn 
Yitilsson plead the cause of Eric ; Thorder Gellurson and 
Thorgeir of Hitardale plead for Thorgest. Eric was declared 
outlawed by the Thing, and prepared his ship for sea in 
Eric's Bay. Styr and the others went with him beyond the 
island. [A. D. 982.] Then Eric declared it to be his reso- 
lution to seek the land which Gnnnbiorn, Ulf Krage's son. 



^ South-west of Norway. 

'^ See Colonization of Iceland, in the Introduction. 

* See notes to Introduction. 



America by the Noethmek. 79 

saw [A. D. 876] when driven into the Western Ocean, 
where he found Gunnbiorn's Rocks, saying, that if he did 
not find the land he would return to his friends. Eric set 
sail from Snaefellsjoknl, and found land which from its 
height he called Midjokul, now called Blaaserk. Thence he 
sailed along the shore in a southerly direction, seeking for 
the nearest habitable land. The first winter he passed in 
Ericseya,^ near the middle of the east district. The follow- 
ing year he came into Ericsfiord, where lie fixed his 
seat. 

The same summer he explored the western desert, and 
gave names to many places. The following winter he 
passed on a holm opposite Kafnsgnipa, and the third year 
he came into Iceland and brought his sliip into Breidafiord. 
The land which he found, he named Greenland, saying that 
men would be persuaded to go to a land with so good a 
name.^ Eric stayed in Iceland that winter, and the summer 
after he went over to the land which he had found, and 
fixed his abode in Brattahlid in Ericsfiord. [A. D. 986.] 
Men acquainted with affairs, say that this same summer in 
which Eric went to settle in Greenland, thirty-five ships 
sailed from Breidafiord and Bogaf jord, of which only four- 
teen arrived, and the rest were driven back or lost. This 
event took place fifteen winters^ before the Christian re- 
ligion was established in Iceland. The same summer. 
Bishop Frederick and Thorvold Kodranson went from Ice- 



' It is now impossible to identify these localities. The old 
view, that what is called the East-bygd, or District, was on 
the eastern coast of Greenland, is now abandoned. It is 
probable that no settlement was ever effected on the east 
coast, though formerly it was evidently more approachable 
than now. See Graah's '^ Expedition.^' 

'^ As we certainly know that Christianity was established in 
Iceland in the year A. D. 1000, the final settlement of Eric 
and his followers must have taken place during the year as- 
signed, viz. : 985. 

^ See " Antiquitates Americance" p. 15, note a. 



80 Pre-Columbiai^ Discovery of 

land.^ Among those who emigrated with Eric and estab- 
lished themselves, were Heriulf Heriulfsliord who took 
Heriulfsness, and abode in Heriulfsness, Ketil Ketilsfiord, 



'Evidently an error. See "Antiquitates AmericancB," p. 
15, note 3 . On the state of society in Greenland at this period 
the reader may consult Prof. Keyser, from whose work on the 
Religion of the Northmen we may give the following, which is 
a translation of a part of the Saga of Eric that is given in 
Eafn's work: 

'•'At that time there was a great famine in Greenland. 
Those who had gone to the wild districts (hunting and fish- 
ing) had met with little success, on account of the storms and 
bad paths. Some had never returned. There was a woman 
living in the settlement, whose name was Thorbjorg; she was 
a Spae-wife, and was called the little Vala or Prophetess. 
She had nine sisters, of whom she was the only survivor. 
Thorbjorg was in the habit of going around to the festivals, 
and she was invited chiefly by those who wished to learn their 
fate and the coming seasons. As Thorkel was the best man of 
the settlement, it seemed to be incumbent upon him to gain 
some information when the prevailing famine should cease. 
Thorkel, therefore, invites the Spae-wife to his house and pre- 
pares for her a good reception, such as was customary when a 
woman of her standing was expected, A cushion was pre- 
pared for her; it had to be stuffed with hen feathers. It was 
laid upon a high seat in the evening, when she came in with 
the man who had been sent out to receive her. She was 
dressed, on this occasion, as follows : She wore a blue cloak 
with fastenings of cords, set with stones around the border 
from top to bottom. Around her neck she had glass beads ; 
upon her head a black lambskin hood, lined with white cat- 
skin. She carried a staff mounted with brass, with the head 
inlaid with stones. She was girded with a young bearskin 
belt, and to this hung a large pouch in which she kept the 
instruments of magic belonging to her occupation. On her 
feet she wore shaggy calfskin shoes with long, heavy thongs, 
on the ends of which were large brass buttons. She had cat- 
skin gloves upon her hands, white within, and shaggy. When 



Ameeica by the Northmen". 81 

Eafn Rafnsfiorcl, Solvi Solvidale, Helgi Thorbrandson Alpta- 
fiord, Thorbjornglora Siglefjord, Einar Einarsfiord, Haf 
grim, Hafgriinsfiord and Yatnahver, Arnlaug, Arnlangs- 
fiord and other men went to the west district. 



she entered, every one felt it a duty to greet her with rever- 
ence; she returned their salutations, according to what she 
thought of each individually. Thorkel took the wise woman 
by the hand, and conducted her to the seat prepared for her. 
He requested her to cast her eyes over his herds, and property 
and house. She said but little concerning this. In the even- 
ing the tables were set, and now it shall be told what dishes 
were made ready for the Spae-wife. There were groats made 
of goat's milk; but her food was prepared from the heart of 
every animal in the neighborhood. She had a brass spoon and 
a knife of copper with a shaft of walrus tooth, and a double 
sheath, the point of which was broken off. "When the tables 
were cleared Thorkell Bondi goes up to Thorbjorg and asks 
what she thinks of the house and the appearance of the people, 
and also how soon she will have a revelation concerning the 
things he has asked her about and which the people are all 
anxious to know. She answers that she cannot make this 
known before morning, after she has slept there over night. 
Early in the morning all the arrangements were made for her 
which belong to the incantation of Seidr. She then asked 
them to furnish her with women who knew the magic formulas 
of that ceremony, and who are called Vardlokur, i. e., the 
watch-guard; but none could be found who knew it, although 
inquiry was made at all the neighboring houses. Then Gudrid, 
a young girl who was present, said, ' I am not skilled in magic, 
nor any wise woman; but my foster-mother in Iceland taught 
me a formula, which she called Vardlokur.^ Thorkel said, 
' Thou art wiser than I thought.' Gudrid answered, ' This 
formula and the proceedings connected with it are of such a 
character that I cannot be present to assist with them; for I 
am a Christian.' Thorkel replied, 'Thou couldst help us in 
this matter without harming thyself thereby; I should be glad 
to furnish Thorbjorg what is necessary.' He then persuaded 
Gudrid so long that she at length promised to fulfill his wishes. 
11 



82 Pee-Oolumbian" Discovery of 

The Baptism of Leif the Fortunate. 

When the sixth winter had passed [A. D. 999], since 
Eric Red went to live in Greenland, Leif, son of Eric, went 
over from Greenland to Norway, and in the autumn arrived 
in Throndheim, and came north to King Olaf Trjgvesson,^ 
from Hegeland. He brought his ship to Nidaros and went 
at once to King Olaf. The king commanded Leif and 
some other pagan men to come to him. They were ex- 
horted to accept religion, which the king easily arranged 
with Leif, when he and all his sailors were baptized, and 
passed the winter with the king, being liberally enter- 
tained. 



Now Thorbjorg sat upon the witch seat, and the women formed 
a circle around her. Gudrid sang the song so beautifully and 
well that no one of the bystanders thought that they bad ever 
heard a fairer song. Even the Spae-wife thought the song 
was beautiful to hear, and thanked her for it when done. 
' Now/ says Thorbjorg, ' I have reflected upon the matter, 
how it will be both with the sickness and the seasons; and 
much has now been made clear to me that before was hidden 
from me and from others.' She then foretold that the famine 
and sickness, that were raging, should both disappear in the 
spring. To Gudrid she prophesied, in return for the services 
she had rendered, a very happy fate in the future, and also 
that a renowned family should be descended from her. After- 
ward, all the company went one after another to consult her 
about the future matters that they wished to know, and she 
gave them definite answers. Soon afterward she was invited 
to another house, and went hither; and her prophesies con- 
cerning the coming events of the year were entirely fulfilled." 
" The Religion of the Northmen,^' by Eudolph Keyser, p. 292. 
' This king propagated Christianity by physical force, and 
marked the course of his missionary tours with fire and blood; 
which might have been expected from a barbarian just con- 
verted from the worship of Odin and Tlior. 



America by the Northmen". 83 

second nakkative. 

Thorvold the son of Usvold, son of Ulf, son of Oexne- 
Thorer, and his son, Eric Red, left Jardar in Norway on ac- 
count of manslaughter, and took possession of a piece of 
land on Hornastrand [Iceland], and lived there at Drangey. 
There Thorvold died. Eric then married Thorhild, daughter 
of Jorund Atleson and Thorbiarg Kuarrabringa, whom 
Thorbiorn of Haukdale afterward married. Then Eric went 
from the north and ploughed the fields in Haukdale. 
Then he lived in Ericstadt by Yatshorn. There his 
thralls^ let a piece of rock tumble down over Yalthiof's 
house in Yalthiosfstadt. But his relation, Eyulf Soirs, 
killed the thralls at Kneide-Brinke above Yatshorn. For 
this cause, Eric killed Ejmlf Soirs. He also killed Holm- 
Ganff Rafn at Leikskaale. Geirstein and Odd at Jorund. 



' These thralls were slaves, though slavery in Iceland as- 
sumed peculiar features. The following, from the " Saga of 
OisU the Outlaio," shows the relation that slaves held to free- 
men. We read, that on one occasion, Gisli had borrowed a 
famous sword of Koll, and the latter asked to have it back, 
but Gisli in reply asks if he will sell it, receiving a negative 
reply. Then he says: '' I will give thee thy freedom and 
goods, so that thou mayest fare whither thou wilt with other 
men.'" This is also declined, when Gisli continues: " Then 
I will give thee thy freedom, and lease, or give thee land, and 
besides I will give thee sheep, and cattle and goods, as much 
as thou needest." This he also declines, and Kol, when Gisli 
asks him to name a price, offering any sum of money, be- 
sides his freedom, and "a becoming match, if thou hast a 
liking for any one." But Kol refused to sell it at any price, 
which refusal led to a fight, and in the first onset, the slave's 
axe sank into Gisli's brain, while the disputed sword, Qray- 
steel, clove the thick skull of Kol. See the " Saga of Gisli 
the Outlaw," p. 6, Edinburgh, 1866. Also the Saga of Eric 
Red, where Thorbiorn thinks it an indignity that Einar 
should ask for the hand of his daughter in marriage, Einar 
being the son of a slave. 



84 Pre-Columbian Discovert of 

Eyulf Soirs' relations brought a suit against the slayer. Eric 
was then banished from Haukdale and took possession of 
the islands, Broko and Oexno, but lived in Todum at Sy- 
dero, the first winter. Then he loaned Thorgest his seat- 
posts. Eric moved to Oexno and lived in Ericstadt. Then 
he demanded his seat-posts, but did not get them. Eric 
took them thereafter from Bredobolstad, but Thorgest fol- 
lowed him. They fought near the house at Drangey. Two 
sons of Thorgest fell, and some other men. Thereafter 
they both kept their followers with them. Styr, Eyulf of 
Svino, Thorbrand's sons of Alptefiord, and Thorbion Vifils- 
son, were of Eric's party. But Thord Gelleirson, Thorgeir 
from Hitardale, Aslak of Langedale, and Illuge's son helped 
Thorgest. Eric and his party were sentenced to be ban- 
ished at Thorsness Thing. He fitted out a ship in Erics- 
fiord, but Eyulf concealed him in Dimonsvaag, while 
Thorgest and his men sought after him on the highlands. 
Thorbiorn, Eyulf and Styr followed with Eric out to sea 
beyond the islands. He said that he meant to seek the land 
Gunnbiorn, Ulf Krage's son, saw [A. D. 876] when he 
was driven by a storm west from Iceland and found Gunn- 
biorn's Hocks ; though he said at the same time if he dis- 
covered the land lie would return to his friends. [A. D. 
982,] Eric laid his course to the west from Snsefieldness, 
and approached [Greenland] from the sea to land at Midjo- 
kul, in that place that is called Blsesark.' From thence he 
went along the coast to the south, to see if the land was fit 
to live in. The first year he stayed all winter in Erickso, 
nearly in the middle of the west bygd. The next spring 
[A. D. 983] he went to Ericsfiord and there found a dwell- 
ing. Next summer he went to the west bygd and gave cer- 
tain names to many places. The second winter he lived in 
Ericsholm, at Hvarfo Fiedspidse, and at the third summer 
[A. D. 984] he went north to Snsetield, inside of Kafnsfiord. 
He thought then that the place where Ericsfiord bent was 
opposite the place where he came. He then returned and 

' Blue shirt. 



Ameeica by the Northmen". 85 

spent the third winter in Erickso opposite the mouth of 
Ericsfiord. The next summer [A. D. 985] he went to Ice- 
land and landed at Breidafiord. The next winter he stayed 
at Holmstater with Ingolf. Next spring he fought with 
Thorgest and lost the battle. That summer Eric began to 
settle the land which he had discovered [A. D. 986], and 
which he called Greenland, because he said that the people 
would not like to move there if the land did not have a 
good name.^ Learned men say that twenty -five ships went 
that summer to Greenland from Breidafiord and Borgaf jord, 
but onlj fourteen arrived. Of the rest, some were driven 
back and others were wrecked. This happened fifteen win- 
ters before Christianity was introduced into Iceland. 

THIRD NARRATIVE. 

The land some call Greenland, was discovered and 
settled from Iceland. Eric the Red was the name of the 
Breidafiord man who [A. D. 986] went from here [Iceland] 
to there, and took possession of that part of the land which 
later was called Ericsfiord. He named the land and called 
it Greenland,'' and said it would encourage people to come 
there if the land had a good name. They found there 
both east and west, ruins of houses and pieces of boats, and 
begun stonework,^ From which it is to be seen what kind 
of people have lived in Vinland, and which the Greenlanders 
call Skrselings and who had been there. He [Eric] began 
to settle the land fourteen or fifteen years before the intro- 
duction of Christianity in Iceland. Afterward this was told 
of Greenland to Thorkel Gelleirson, by a man who had 
himself followed Eric Red. 



Ante, p, 61. 

2 Cartier in the Grulf of St. Lawrence gave names that had 
been used before. 

^ The stonework would point to Europeans, say the Irish, 
as stonework was not the characteristic of the Skraellings. 
On the latter see later. 



86 Pee-Columbia]S" Discovert of 



III. THE YOYAGE OF BIAENE. 

The voyage of Biarne to Greenland was attended by 
many hardsliijDS. His vessel was blown away from the 
course during a storm, at which time he saw the shores of 
the American Continent, yet he made no attempt to land. 
Of this voyage we have two versions. The first is a trans- 
lation of a passage from Codex Flatoiensis, given in Anti- 
quitates Americance, p. lY. The second is taken from 
Gronland's Historishe Mindesmcerker, or " Greenland's 
Historical Monuments, i, 180-1." The date of this voyage 
is fixed by the fact that Biarne sailed the same season that his 
father settled in Greenland, which, as we learn from the 
narrative of Eric, was in the year 985. There is a complete 
agreement, in the main points, between this account and the 
preceding. 

FIRST NARRATIVE. 

Heriulf was the son of Bard, Heriulfs son, who was a 
relation of Ingolf the Landnamsman.^ Ingolf gave Heriulf 
land between Yog and Reikianess. Heriulf dwelt first at 
Dropstock. His wife was called Thorgird, and their son 
was called Biarne.^ He was a promising young man. In 
his earliest youth he had a desire to go abroad, and he soon 
gathered property and reputation ; and was by turns a year 
abroad, and a year with his father. Biarne was soon in pos- 
session of a merchant ship of his own. The last winter 
[A. D. 985] while he was in Norway, Heriulf prepared to 
go to Greenland with Eric, and gave up his dwelling. There 
was a Christian man belonging to the Hebudes along with 
Heriulf, who composed the Lay called the Hafgerdingar^ 
Song, in which is this stave : 



' Original settler or freeholder, whose name and possessions 
were recorded in the Landanama-book. 
' Bear. 
* This poem no longer exists. Its subject, the Hafgerdingar, 



Ameeica by the ]SroRTHME]sr. 87 

May lie whose hand protects so well 
The simple monk in lonely cell, 
And o'er the world upholds the sky. 
His own blue hall, still stand me by.' 

Heriulf settled at Herinlfness [A. D. 985] and became a 
very distinguished man. Eric Red took up his abode at 
Bratthalid, and was in great consideration, and honored by 
all. These were Eric's children : Leif, Thorvold, and Thor- 
stein ; and his daughter was called Freydis. She was married 
to a man called Thorvald, and they dwelt at Gardar, which 
is now a bishop's seat.'' She was a haughty, proud woman ; 
and he was but a mean man. She was much given to 
gathering wealth. The people of Greenland were heathen 
at this time. Biarne came over the same summer [A. D. 
985] with his ship to the strand ^ which his father had 



is described as a fearful body of water, " which sometimes 
rises in the sea near Greenland in such a way that three large 
rows of waves inclose a part of the sea, so that the ship, inside, 
is in the greatest danger." — Grojiland's Historishe Mindis- 
mcerker, vol. i, p. 264. There does not appear to be any bet- 
ter foundation for this notion of the Hafgerdingar than for 
the old accounts of the Maelstrom, once supposed to exist on 
the coast of Norway. The Hafgardingar may have originated 
from seeing the powerful effect of a cross sea acting on the 
tide. 

' To this translation may be added another in metre, by 
Beamish: 

thou who triest holy men ! 

Now guide me on my way; 
Lord of the earth's wide vault, extend 

Thy gracious hand to me. 

This appears to be the earliest Christian prayer thus far 
found in connection with this period of American history. 

' See later on this subject. 

^ JEyrar. This is not the name of a jjlace — for Heriulf 
dwelt in Iceland at a place called Dropstock — but of a nat- 
ural feature of ground; eyri, still called an ayre in the Ork- 



88 Pre-Oolumbian" Discoveet of 

sailed abroad from in tlie spring. He was much struck 
with the news, and would not unload his vessel. When his 
crew asked him what he intended to do, he replied that 
he was resolved to follow his old custom by taking up his 
winter abode with his father. " So I will steer for Green- 
land if ye will go with me." They one and all agreed to go 
with him. Biarne said, " Our voyage will be thought fool- 
ish, as none of ns have been on the Greenland sea before." 
Nevertheless they set out to sea as soon as they were ready, 
and sailed for three days, until they lost sight of the land 
they left. But when the wind failed, a north wind with 
fog set in, and they knew not where they were sailing to; 
and this lasted many days. At last they saw the sun, and 
could distingnish the quarter of the sky ; so they hoisted sail 
again, and sailed a whole day and night, when they made 
land. They spoke among themselves what this land could 
be, and Biarne said that, in his opinion, it could not be Green- 
land. On the question, if he should sail nearer to it, he said, 
"It is my advice that we sail up close to the land." They 
did so ; and they soon saw that the land was without moun- 
tains, was covered with woods, and that there were small 
hills inland.^ They left the land on the larboard side, and 



ney islands, being a flat, sandy tongue of land, suitable for 
landing and drawing up boats upon. All ancient dwellings 
in those islands, and probably in Iceland also, are situated so 
as to have the advantage of this kind of natural wharf, and 
the spit of land called an ayre, very often has a small lake or 
pond inside of it, which shelters boats. — Laing. 

^ This we will accept as Labrador, and in the account we 
notice that in this Saga the inland elevations are not consid- 
ered mountains, though Leif in his account as we shall see 
speaks of them as "large snowy mountains of the country." 
The main feature of a high region characterizes both ac- 
counts, and this undesigned coincidence will have more effect 
upon the mind than the narratives would have afforded, if 
both had used the same language. Besides we are not to 
suppose that Biarne and Leif saw the land in the same 



Ameeica by the Northmen. 89 

had their sheet on the land side. Then they sailed two days 
and nights before they got sight of land again. They asked 
Biarne if he thought this would be Greenland ; but he gave 
liis opinion tliat the land was no more Greenland than the 
land they had seen before. " For on Greenland, it is said, 
there are great snow mountains." They soon came near to 
the land, and saw that it was flat and covered with trees.^ 
Now, as the wind fell, the ship's people talked of its being ad- 
visable to make for the land ; but Biarne would not agree to 
it. They thought that they would need wood and water; 
but Biarne said : " Ye are not in want of either." The men 
blamed him for this. He ordered them to hoist the sail, 
which was done. They now turned the ship's bow from 
the land, and kept the sea for three days and nights, with 
a fine breeze from south-west. Then they saw a third land, 
which was high and mountainous, and with snowy moun- 
tains. Then they asked Biarne if he would land here ; but 
he refused altogether: " For in my opinion this land is not 
what we want." ^ Now they let the sails stand and kept 



place, and at same point the inland hills would deserve the 
name of mountains more than others. Leif s narrative in- 
correctly calls this the last point visited by Biarne before 
reaching- Greenland. Helluland the " Great " and the " Lit- 
tle " were names applied to Labrador and Newfoundland. 
The Sagas furnish the correction. See the notes on the 
voyage of Leif which follow. Still it must be confessed 
that the statements are obscure, like many English narra- 
tions of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. 

1 The " MarUand " of Leif. 

^ The details of this voyage are very simple, yet whoever 
throws aside his old time prejudices, and considers the whole 
subject with the care which it deserves, cannot otherwise than 
feel persuaded that Biarne was driven upon this Continent, 
and that the land seen was the coast of that great territory 
which stretches between Massachusetts and Newfoundland, 
for there is no other land to answer the description. Of 
course no particular merit can be claimed for this discovery. 
VZ 



90 Pee-Columbian Discovery of 

along the land and saw it was an island.^ Then they 
turned from the land and stood out to sea with the 
same breeze ; but the gale increased, and Biarne ordered 
a reef to be taken in, and not to sail harder than the 
ship and her tackle could easily bear. After sailing 
three days and nights, they made, the fourth time, land ; 
and when they asked Biarne if he thought this was Green- 
land or not, Biarne replied : " This is most like what has 
been told me of Greenland ; and here we shall take to the 
land." They did so, and came to the land in the evening, 
under a ness, where they found a boat. On this ness dwelt 
Biame's father, Heriulf ; and from that it is called Heriulf- 
ness. Biarne went to his father's, gave up sea-fearing, and 
after his father's death, continued to dwell there when at 
home. 

SECOND NARRATIVE. 

A man named Heriulf, son of Bard, son of Heriulf,' a 
relation to Landnamsman Ingolf, who gave the last-named 
Heriulf the piece of land that lies between Vaag and Rei- 
Idaness. The younger Heriulf went to Greenland, when 
Eric Red began to settle there, and on his ship was a 
Christian man from the South Islands [the Hebrides] who 
was tlie author of the poem, Havgerdingar. in which was 
the following verse : 

I to the monk's protector pray 
That he will give my voyage luck ! 
The heaven's great Ruler 
Save me from danger. 



It was also accidental, something like the discovery of Amer- 
ica by Columbus, who, in looking for the East Indies, 
stumbled upon a new world. Yet Biarne^s discovery soon led 
to substantial results. 

' The present Island of Disco, called in the Saga of Karl- 
sefne " Biarney." 

"^ This piece makes no reference to the voyage of Biarne, 
but confirms important statements in the first narrative. 



America by the Northmen". 91 

Heriulf took possession of Heriulfsfiord, and became one 
of the chief men. Eric Red took to himself Ericsfiord, and 
lived in Brattahlid, and Leif, his son, after his death. Those 
men who at the same time went away with Eric took pos- 
session of the following pieces of laud : Herinlf Herinlfs- 
fiord, and. he lived in Heriulfness, Ketil Ketilsfiord, Rafn 
Eafnsfiord, Sdlve Solvedale, Snorro Thorbrandson Alpte- 
fiord, Thorbiornglora Siglefiord, Einar Einarsfiord, Hav. 
grim Havgrimsfiord and Yatnahverfe, Arnlaug Arnlaugfiord ; 
but some went to the west bygd. A man named Thorkel 
Farserk, cousin to Eric Red on their mother's side, went to 
Greenland with Eric, and took possession of Hvalsofiord, 
together with the greater part of the piece of land between 
Eyolfsfiord and Einarsfiord, and lived in Hvalosofirde. From 
him came the Hvalsofiord people. He was very strong. 
Once Eric Red visited him, and he would welcome his 
guest in the best way possible, but he had no boats at hand 
which he could use. He had to swim out to Hvalso, and 
get a full-grown sheep,^ and carry it on his back home 
to his house. It was a good half mile. Thorkel was buried 
in a cave in the field of Hvalsofiord. 



lY. LEIF'S VOYAGE TO YINLAND. 

This voyage is recorded in the Flato Manuscript^ and is 
given in Antiquitates Ameincance, pp. 26-40. It contains the 
account of the voyage of Leif, son of Eric the Red, who, 
following out the hints of Biarne, sailed to discover the 

' Considerable has been said at various times in opposition 
to these accounts, because cattle and sheep, and sometimes 
horses, are mentioned in connection with Greenland. Some 
have supposed that, for these reasons, the Saga must be in- 
correct. Yet, in more modern times, there has been nothing 
to prevent the people from keeping such animals, though it 
has been found better to substitute dogs for horses. Crantz 



92 Peb-Oolumbian Discovery of 

new land, which he culled Vinland, on account of the quan- 
tity of vines that he found growing wild. Several extracts 
are appended, because of interest in connection with the 
subject. The Saga of Eric was written in Greenland, a 
fact not to be overlooked, that of Thorfinn having been 
composed in Iceland.^ 

[A. D. 984.] It is next to be told that Biarne Heriulfson 
came over from Greenland to Norway, on a visit to Earl 
Erie, who received him well. Biarne tells of this expedition 
of his, in which he had discovered unknown land ; and peo- 
ple thought he had not been very curious to get knowledge, 
as he could not give any account of those countries, and he 



says, that in "the year 1709, one of our missionaries brought 
three sheep with him from Denmark to new Herrnhuth. 
These have so increased by bringing some two, some three 
lambs a year, that they have been able to kill some every year 
since, to send some to Lichtenfels, for a beginning there, and, 
after all, to winter ten at present. We may judge how vastly 
sweet and nutritive the grass is here, from the following 
tokens: that tlio' three lambs come from one ewe, they are 
larger, even in autumn, than a sheep of a year old in Ger- 
many." He says that in the summer they could pasture two 
hundred sheep around New Herrnhuth; and that they form- 
erly kept cows, but that it proved too much trouble. — His- 
tory of Greenland, vol. i, page 74. 

' There are discrepancies between the Saga of Eric and his 
son's, and those relating to Thorfinn, of such a nature as to 
leave no doubt that they must have come to us from two 
wholly distinct sources. Torffeus was the first to direct at- 
tention to these discrepancies, at the same time remarking 
that they were of a nature to confirm rather than to disprove 
the statements. The Eric Sagas were evidently composed in 
Greenland, while those relating to Thorfinn had their origin 
in Iceland. The discrepancies are in themselves of very little 
consequence, but they serve to establish the important fact 
that the Sagas of Eric and of Thorfinn must be received as 
two independent authorities." North American Review, vol. 
cxix, pp. 265-72. See ante, p. 63. 



AmEKICA by the NORTHMEJf. 93 

was somewhat blamed on this account. [A. D. 986.] Biarne 
was made a Court man of the earl, and the summer after he 
went over to Greenland ; and afterward there was much 
talk about discovering unknown lands. Leif, a son of Eric 
Red of Brattahlid, went over^ to Biarne Heriulfson, and 
bought the ship from him, and manned the vessel, so that 
in all, there were thirty-five men on board. Leif begged his 
father Eric to go as commander of the expedition ; but he 
excused liimself, saying he was getting old, and not so able 
as formerly to undergo the hardship of a sea voyage. Leif 
insisted that he among all their relations was the most likely 
to have good luck on such an expedition ; and Eric con- 
setited, and rode from home with Leif, when they had got 
all ready for sea ; but as they were getting near the ship,^ 
the horse on which Eric was riding, stumbled, and he fell 
from his horse^ and hurt his foot. " It is destined," said 
Eric, that I should never discover more lands than this of 
Greenland, on which we live ; and now we must not run 
hastily into this adventure."* Eric accordingly returned 



' He must have gone over to Greenland from Norway then, 
as in the year 1000, he returned and introduced Christianity 
into Greenland. The language used is indefinite. 

^ One recension of the Saga of Eric the Red, states that he 
went with Leif on his voyage to Vinland. Finn Magnussen 
says that the error arose from a change of one letter in 
a pair of short words. See Gronland's Historiske Mmdes- 
mmrher, vol. i, p. 471. In a similar way the change may 
have been made which incorrectly represents Leif as coming 
first to the last point visited by Biarne. 

^Horses could be kept in Greenland now, only with much 
expense. It appears that anciently it was not so. Un- 
doubtedly there has been more or less of change in climate, 
during the last thousand years by the procession of the 
equinox. Geologists find evidence that at one period, a highly 
tropical climate must have existed in the northern regions. 
Fossil figs and tropic trees are among the wonders of Green- 
land. 

* Superstition was the bane of the Northman's life. He 



94 Pke-Columbian" Discovery of 

liome to Brattahlid, but Leif, with his comrades, in all 
thirty-five men, rigged out their vessel. There was a man 
from the south country called Tyrker,^ with the expedition. 
[A. D. 1000.] They put the ship in order, and went to sea 
when they were ready. They first came to the land which 
Biarne had last [first] discovered,* sailed up to it, cast 
anchor, put out a boat and went on shore ; but there was no 
grass to be seen. There were large snowy mountains^ up 
the country ; but all the way from the sea up to these snowy 
ridges, the land was one field of snow, and it appeared to 
them a country of no advantages. Leif said : " It shall not 
be said of us, as it was of Biarne, that we did not come upon 
the land ; for I will give the country a name, and call it Hel- 
luland.'' Then they went on board again and put to sea, and 
found another land. They sailed in toward it, put out a boat 
and landed. The country was flat, and overgrown with 
wood ; and the strand far around, consisted of white sand, 
and low toward the sea. Then Leif said : " We shall give 
this land a name according to its kind, and called it Mark- 
land.^ Then they hastened on board, and put to sea again 



was also a firm believer in Fate. The doctrines of Fate held 
the finest Northern minds in a vice-like grasp, so that in 
many cases their lives were continually overshadowed by a 
great sorrow. One of the saddest illustrations of this belief 
may be found in the Saga of Grettir the Strong (given in 
Baring-Gould's work on Iceland), a Saga in which the doc- 
trine appears with a power that is well nigh appalling. 

' Some suppose that he was a German, others claim that he 
was a Turk, as his name might indicate. 

2 Ante, p. 86. 

^ Snowy mountains, Jbhlar mihlir, such as Chappell men- 
tions having been seen on the coast, June 14, 1818. 

* Helluland, from Hella, a flat stone, an abundance of which 
may be found in Labrador and the region round about. But 
it should be noted that the country between the sea and the 
mountains or hills was level. Ante, p. 89, note 2. 

'■" This agrees with the general features of Nova Scotia. The 



America by the Northmen^. 95 

with the wind from the north-east, and were out for two days 
and made land. They sailed toward it, and came to an 
island' which lay on the north side of the land, where they 



North American Pilot describes the land around Halifax, as 
" low in general, and not visible twenty miles off; except 
from the quarter-deck of a seventy-four. Apostogon hills 
have a long, level appearance, between Cape Le Have and Port 
Medway, the coast to the seaward being level and low, and the 
shores with white rocks and low, barren points; from thence 
to Shelburne and Port Roseway, are woods. Near Port Haldi- 
man are several barren places, and thence to Cape Sable, 
which makes the south-west point into Barrington Bay, a low 
and woody island." Antiquitates Americance, p. 423. Mark- 
land is therefore supposed, with great reason, to be Nova Scotia, 
so well described, both in the Saga, and in the Coast Pilot. 
Markland means woodland. Two days sail thence, brought 
them in view of Cape Cod, though very likely the sailing time 
is not correct. 

^ This island has given the interpreters considerable trouble, 
from the fact that it is said to lie to the northward of the land. 
Professor Rafn, in order to identify the island with Nan- 
tucket, shows that the north point of the Icelandic compass 
lay toward the east. But this does not fairly meet the case. 
There would, perhaps, have been no difficulty in the interpre- 
tation, if the Northern Antiquaries had been acquainted with 
the fact, that in early times an island existed northward from 
Nantucket, on the opposite coast of Cape Cod. This island, 
together with a large point of land, which now has also disap- 
peared, existed in the times of Gosnold, who sailed around 
Cape Cod, in 1602. At one time some doubt existed in regard 
to the truthfulness of the accounts of this island, for the 
reason that those portions of land described, no longer existed. 
Yet their positions were laid down with scientific accuracy; 
the outer portion of the island being called Point Care, while 
the other point was called Point Gilbert. Neither Archer nor 
Brereton in their accounts of Gosn old's voyage, give any name 
to the island; but Captain John Smith, in 1614, calls it ''Isle 
Nawset." Smith's History of Virginia, vol. ii, p. 183. This 



96 Pee-Columbian Discovery of 

disembarked^ to wait for good weather. There was dew 
upon the grass ; and, having accidently gotten some of the 
dew upon their hands and put it in their mouths, they 

island was of the drift formation, and, as late as half a century 
ago, a portion of it still I'emained, being called Slut Bush. 
The subject has been very carefully gone over by Mr. Otis, in 
his pamphlet on the Discovery of an Ancient Ship on Cape 
Cod. Professor Agassiz, writing December 17, 1863, says: 
*' Surprising and perhaps incredible as the statements of Mr. 
Amos Otis may appear, they are nevertheless the direct and 
natural inference of the observations which may be easily made 
along the eastern coast of Cape Cod. Having of late felt a 
special interest in the geological structure of that remarkable 
region, I have repeatedly visited it during the past summer, 
and, in company with Mr. Otis, examined, on one occasion, 
with the most minute care, the evidence of the former ex- 
istence of Isle Nauset and Point G-ilbert. I found it as satis- 
factory as any geological evidence can be. Besides its scientific 
interest," he adds, " this result has some historical import- 

^ In speaking of the immediate vicinity of Wonder -strand, 
the second account of Thorfinn^s expedition, says : '' There 
were places without harbors," which has always been the case, 
this coast being dangerous; yet it is said above that *' they 
landed to wait for good weather." This would be impractica- 
ble no?v, except at Chatham; yet at that day, notwithstand- 
ing the absence of harbors, they would find accommodation 
for their small vessel somewhere between the island and the 
mainland. From Bradford's History, p. 217, we learn that 
in 162G-7, there was at this place " a small blind harbore " 
that ''lyes aboute y' middle of Manamoyake Bay," which to- 
day is filled up by recently formed sandy wastes and salt 
meadows. This " blind harbore," had at its mouth a treach- 
erous bar of sand. If this harbor had existed in the days of the 
Northmen, they would not of necessity discover it; and hence 
while Leif might have landed here and found protection, 
Thorfinu, in his much larger ship, might have found it need- 
ful to anchor, as he appears to have done, in the grounds be- 
tween Isle Nauset and Point Gilbert, while explorations were 
being made on the land. 



America by the Northmek. 97 

thought that they had never tasted any thing so sweet as it 
was.^ Tlien they went on board and sailed into a sound^ 

ance. At all events it fully vindicates Archer's account of 
the aspect of Cape Cod, at the time of its discovery in 1602, 
and shows him to have been a truthful and accurate observer." 
But possibly the vindication may extend back even to the 
Northmen, whom the learned professor and his co-laborers did 
not have in mind; especially as this discovery will help very 
materially to explain their descriptions. Now, in the accounts 
of Tborfinn Karlsefne's passage around this part of the Vin- 
land, it is said that they called the shore Wonder-strand, " be- 
cause they were so long going by." Any one in sailing past 
the coast to-day will be struck with its length. But by 
glancing at a reconstructed map of Cape Cod, the reader will 
find that the coast line is greatly increased, so that in order to 
pass around the cape, the navigator must sail a longer distance 
than now. Comparing the distance travelled with the distance 
gained, the Northmen might well grow weary, and call it 
'^ Wonder-strand." Our knowledge of this island quite re- 
lieves the difficulty that was felt by Professor Eafn, who 
labored to show that the island in question was Nantucket, 
notwithstanding the fact that it lay too far east. For a fuller 
knowledge of Isle Nauset, see Neto-England Historical and 
Genealogical Register, vol. xviii, p. 37; and Massachusetts 
Historical (Mlections, vol. viii, series iii, pp. 72-93. " Webb's 
Island," which existed at the close of the last century, was 
the remains of Gosnold's "Point Gilbert." The people of 
Nantucket formerly used to cut wood there. See Morse's 
Universal Gazetteer, vol. i, p. 357, Ed. 1783. Capt. Vetch 
anchored under Webb's Island Nov. 16, 1701. See O'Oal- 
laghan's curious and interesting monograph: ''The Voyage 
of the Sloop Mary," Munsell, Albany, 1866. O'Callaghan 
says that " it has since been swallowed up by the Sea." " Sloop 
Mary," pp. ix and 27, also Mass. Mag. (111-151), which says, 
" The water is six fathoms deep on this spot." 

' " Honey dew," says Dr. Webb, " occurs in this neighbor- 
hood." — Antiquitates Americancs, p. 443. 

* This sound may have been the water between Point Gil- 
bert and Isle Nauset. 
13 



98 Pee-Columbian Discovert of 

that was between the island and a ness^ that went out 
northward from the land, and sailed westward" past the 
ness. There was very shallow^ water in ebb tide, so that 
their ship lay dry ; and there was a long way between their 
ship and the water. They were so desirous to get to the 
land that they would not wait till their ship floated, but ran 
to the land, to a place where a river comes out of a lake. 
As soon as their ship was afloat they took the boats, rowed 
to the ship, towed her up the river,* and from thence into 
the lake,^ where they cast anchor, carried their beds out of 
the ship, and set up their tents. They resolved to put 
things in order for wintering there, and they erected a large 

^ Archer says in his account of Gosnold's voyage: " Twelve 
leages from [the end of] Cape Cod, we descried a point 
[Point Gilbert] with some breach, a good distance ofl." It 
is said that the ness, or cape, went out nortliioard but we 
must remember that eashuard is meant. 

'^ This is precisely the course they would steer after doub- 
ling that ness or cape which existed in Gosnold's day, and 
which he named Point Gilbert. The author does not agree 
with Professor Rafn, in making this point to be at the 
eastern entrance to Buzzard's bay. If he had known of the 
existence of the Isle Nauset, he would not have looked for 
the ness in that neighborhood. At that time Cape Malabar 
probably did not exist, as we know how rapidly land is 
formed in the vicinity; yet it would not have attracted 
notice in comjDarison with the great broad point mentioned 
by Archer. 

* After passing Point Gilbert, shoal water may almost any- 
where be found, which appears to have been the case 
anciently. 

* The river may have been Seaconnet passage and Pocasset 
river. 

* This lake is thought to answer Mount Hope Bay. The 
writer of the Saga passes over that part of the voyage imme- 
diately following the doubling of the ness. The tourist in 
traveling that way by rail will at first take Mount Hope Bay 
for a lake. 



Amekica by the Northmen. 99 

house. They did not want for salmon/ both in the river 
and in the lake ; and they thought the sahnon larger than 
any they had ever seen before. The country appeared to 
them of so good a kind, that it would not be necessary to 
gather fodder for the cattle for winter." There was no frost in 
winter," and the grass was not much withered. Day and night 
were more equal than in Greenland and Iceland ; for on the 
shortest day the sun was in the sky between Eyktarstad* 

' Salmon were formerly so plentiful in this vicinity, that it 
is said a rule was made, providing that masters should not 
oblige their apprentices to eat this fish more than twice a 
week. Still I may repeat a quotation from Henry V (1st A., sc. 
i, 5): "I warrant you shall find in the comparisons between 
Macedon and Monmouth that the situation, look you, is both 
alike. There is a river at Macedon, and there is also more- 
over a river at Monmouth; it is called Wye at Monmouth, 
but it is out of my prains what is the name of the other river, 
but 'tis all one; 'tis alike as my fingers is to my fingers, and 
there is salmon in both." 

^ It is well known that cattle in that vicinity can pass the 
winter with little or no shelter, and the sheep on Nantucket, 
can, when necessary, take care of themselves. 

* This is an exaggeration, or, possibly the writer, who was 
not with the expedition, meant to convey the idea that there 
was no frost, compared with what was experienced in Grreen- 
land and Iceland. The early narrator of the voyage unques- 
tionably tried to make a good impression as regards the 
climate. In so doing, he has been followed by nearly all who 
have come after him. Eric the Red told some almost fabu- 
lous stories about the climate of Greenland; and yet, because 
his accounts do not agree with facts, who is so foolish as to 
deny that he ever saw Greenland ? With as much reason we 
might deny that Leif came to Vinland. With equal reason, 
too, we might deny that Morton was ever at Merry Mount; 
for he tells us, in his N^ew English Canaan, that coughs and 
colds are unknown in New England. Lieutenant-Governor 
Dudley of Massachusetts complained of false representations 
in his day. " Footprints of Miles Standish," p. 24. 

* This passage was misunderstood by Torf ^eus, the earliest 



100 Pre-Columbian Discovery of 

and the Dagmalastad. Now when they were ready with 
their house building, [A. D. 1001] Leif said to his fellow 
travelers: " Now I will divide the crew into two divisions 
and explore the country. Half shall stay at home and do 



writer who inquired into these questions. He was followed 
by Peringskiold, Malte-Brun and others, who, by their reckon- 
ing, made the latitude of Vinland somewhere near Nova 
Scotia. Yet the recent studies of Rafn and Finn Magnus- 
sen, have elucidated the point: ''The Northmen divided the 
heavens or horizons into eight principal divisions, and the 
times of the day according to the sun's apparent motion 
through these divisions, the passage through each of which 
they supposed to occupy a period of three hours. The day 
was therefore divided into portions of time corresponding 
with these eight divisions, each of which was called an eyht, 
signifying an eighth part. This eyht was again divided, like 
each of the grand divisions of the heavens, into two smaller 
and equal portions, called sfund or mal. In order to deter- 
mine these divisions of time, 'the inhabitant of each place 
carefully observed the diurnal course of the sun, and noted 
the terrestrial objects over which it seemed to stand. Such 
an object, whether artificial or natural, was called by the Ice- 
landers dagsmark (daymark). They were also led to make 
these daymarks by a division of the horizon according to the 
principal winds, as well as by the wants of their domestic 
economy. The shepherd's rising time, for instance, was 
called Hirdis rismdl, which corresponds with half -past four 
o'clock, A. M., and this was the beginning of the natural day 
of twenty-four hours. Reckoning from Hirdis rismdl the eight 
stund or eighth half eykt ended at just half-past four p. m.; and 
therefore this particular period was called Jiar^ e^oxrfv, eykt. 
This eykt, strictly speaking, commenced at three o'clock, p.m,. 
and ended at half-past four P. m., when it was said to be in 
eyktarstadr or the termination of the eykt. The precise mo- 
ment that the sun appeared in this place indicated the termina- 
tion of the artificial day {dagr) and half the natural day (dagr) 
and was therefore held especially deserving of notice; the hours 
of labor, also, are supposed to have ended at this time. Six 
o'clock, A. M., was called midr morgun ; half -past seven A. 



America by the Northmen". 101 

the work, and the other hall" shall search the land ; but so 
that thej do not go farther than they can come back in the 
evening, and that they do not wander from each other," 
This they continued to do for some time. Leif changed 
about, sometimes with them and sometimes with those at 
home. Leif was a stout and strong man and of manly ap- 
pearance, and was, besides, a prudent and sagacious man in 
all respects. 

It happened one evening that a man of the party was 
missing, and it was the south countryman, Tyrker, Leif 
was very sorry for this because Tyrker had long been in 
his father's house, and he loved Tyrker in his childhood, 
Leif blamed his comrades very much, and proposed to 
go with twelve men on an expedition to find him ; but 
they had gone only a short way from the station when Tyr- 
ker came to meet them, and he was joyfully received, Leif 
soon perceived that his foster father^ was quite merry, 

M., Dagmal ; nine A. m., Dagverdarmal. Winter was consid- 
ered to commence in Iceland about the seventeenth of October, 
and Bishop Thorlacius, the calculator of the astronomical 
calendar, fixes sunrise in the south of Iceland on the seven- 
teenth of October, at half-past seven a. m. At this hour, 
according to the Saga, it rose in Vinland on the shortest day, 
and set at half past four p. m., which data fix the latitude of 
the place at 41° 43' 10" being nearly that of Mount Hope 
Bay." See Mem. Antiq. du Nord, 1836-7, p. 165. Eafn's 
calculations make the position 41° 24' 10". It is based on 
the view that the observation was made in Vinland when only 
the upper portion of the disc had appeared above the horizon. 
The difference, of course, is not important. Thus we know 
the position of the Icelandic settlement in New England. See 
Antiquitates Americance, p. 436. Also a different view in 
Cleasby^s Icelandic Dictionary, p, 135, 

^ In those turbulent times children were not brought up at 
home, but were sent to be trained up in the families of trusty 
friends. This was done to preserve the family line. Often, 
in some bloody feud, a whole household would be destroyed, 
yet the children being out at foster, would be preserved and 



102 Pee-Columbian Discovert of 

Tyrker had a high forehead, sharp eyes, with a small face, 
and was httle in size, and ugly ; but was very dexterous in all 
feats.^ Leif said to him, "Why art thou so late, my foster 

in due time come to represent the family. In Leif's day 
heathenism and lawlessness were on the decline. We have a 
true picture given us by Dasent, of the way in which children 
were treated in the heathen age. He says : '' With us, an 
old house can stand upon a crooked as well as upon a straight 
support. But in Iceland, in the tenth century, as in all the 
branches of that great family, it was only healthy children 
that were allowed to live. The deformed, as a burden to 
themselves, their friends and to society, were consigned 
to destruction by exposure to the violence of the elements. 
This was the father's stern right, and though the mothers 
of that age were generally blest with robust offspring, still 
the right was often exercised. As soon as it was born, 
the infant was laid upon the bare ground, and, until the father 
came and looked at it, heard and saw that it was strong in 
lung and limb, took it up in his arms and handed it over 
to the nurse, its fate hung in the balance and life or death 
depended upon the sentence of its sire. That danger over, 
it was duly washed, signed with the Thunderer's [Tlior's] 
holy hammer — the symbol of all manliness and strength — 
and solemnly received into the family as the faithful cham- 
pion of the ancient gods. When it came to be named there 
was what we should call the christening ale. There was 
saddling, mounting and riding among kith and kin. Cousins 
came in bands from all points of the compass: dependents, 

' There is nothing in this to indicate that Tyrker was in- 
toxicated, as some have absurdly supposed. In this far off 
land he found grapes, which powerfully reminded him of his 
native country, and the association of ideas is so strong, that 
when he first meets Leif, he breaks out in the language of his 
childhood, and, like ordinary epicures, expresses his joy, 
which is all the more marked on account of his grotesque 
appearance. Is not this a stroke of genuine nature, something 
that a writer, framing the account of a fictitious voyage, 
would not dream of ? Similar cases are found in literature. 



America by the Northme:!^. 103 

father ? and why didst thou leave thy comrades ? " He spoke 
at first long in German, rolled his eyes and knit his brows ; 
but they could not make out what he was saying. After a 
while, and some delay, he said in Norse, " I did not go much 
further than they ; and yet I have something altogether new 
to relate, for I found vines and grapes."^ " Is that true, my 
foster father ? " said Leif. '" Yes, true it is," answered he, 
" for I was born where there was no scarcity of grapes." 
They slept all night, and the next morning Leif said to his 
men, " Now we shall have two occupations to attend to, and 
day about ; namely, to gather grapes or cut vines, and to fell 
wood in the forest to lade our vessel." This advice was 
followed. It is related that their stern boat was filled with 
grapes, and then a cargo of wood was hewn for the ves- 
sel."* Towards spring they made ready and sailed away, and 



freedmen and thralls all mustered strong. The ale is broached, 
the board is set, and the benches are thronged with guests; 
the mirth and revelry are at the highest, when in strides into 
the hall a being of awful power, in whom that simple age set 
full faith. This was the Nome, the wandering prophetess, 
sybil fortune teller, a woman to whom it was given to know 
the weirds of men, and who had come to do honor to the 
child, and tell his fortune .... After the child was named, 
he was often put out to foster with some neighbor, his father's 
inferior in power, and there he grew up with the children of 
the house, and contracted those friendships and affections 
which were reckoned better and more binding than the ties 
of blood." — Anfiquaires du Nord, 1859, pp. 8-9. 

' Grapes grow wild almost everywhere on this coast. They 
may be found on Cape Cod ripening among the scrub oaks, 
even within the reach of the ocean spray, where the author 
has often gathered them. 

'■' In Peringskiold's Heim&kringla, which Laing has followed 
in translating Leifs voyage for his appendix, this statement 
of the cutting of wood is supplemented by the following 
statement : " There was also self-sown wheat in the fields, 
and a tree which is called massur. Of all these they took 
samples; and some of the trees were so large that they were 



104 Pee-Oolumbian Discovert of 

Leif gave the country a name from its products, and called 
it Yinland.^ They now sailed into the open sea and had a 
fair wind until they came in sight of Greenland and the 
lands below the ice mountains. Then a man put in a word 
and said to Leif, " Wh}'- do you steer so close on the wind?" 
Leif replied : " I mind my helm and tend to other things 
too ; do you notice any thing ? " They said that they saw 
nothing remarkable. " I do not know," said Leif, " whether 
I see a ship or a rock." Then they looked and saw that it 
was a rock. But he saw so much better than they, that he 
discovered men upon the rock. " Now I will, ' said Leif, 
" that we hold to the wind, that we may come up to them 
if they should need help ; and if they should not be friendly 
inclined, it is in our power to do as we please and not 
theirs." Now they sailed under the rock, lowered their 
sails, cast anchor, and put out another small boat which they 
had with them. Then Tyrker asked who their leader was. 
He said his name was Thorer, and said he was a Northman ;^ 

used in houses/^ It is thought that the massur wood was a 
species of maple. Others have declared that it must have 
been mahogany, and that therefore the account of Leif's dis- 
covery is false. They forget that even George Popham, in 
writing home to his patron from Sagadahoc, in 1607, says 
that among the productions of the country are '^ nutmegs 
and cinnamon." Yet shall we infer from this that Popliam 
never saw New England ? 

' Olaus Magnus, who wrote 1075, after he had made a 
visit to the King of Denmark, at whose court he heard of the 
exploits of the Icelanders, says : "Besides it was stated [by 
the King] that a region had been discovered by many in that 
[Western] ocean which was called Winland, because vines 
grow there spontaneously, making excellent wine ; for that 
fruits, not planted grow there of their own accord, we know 
not by false rumors, but by the certain testimony of the 
Danes." See, also, Rafu's Antiquitates, etc., p. 319. 

^ They were evidently Norwegian traders who were ship- 
wrecked while approaching the coast and sailing for the 
Greenland ports. Here attention may be called to the truth- 



America by the Northmen", 105 

"Bvit what is your name?" said he. Leif told his name. 
"Are you the son of Eric the Red of Brattahlid?" he 
asked. Leif said that was so. " ]^ow I will," said Leif, 



ful descrii3tiou of the Sagas as one proof of their authenticity 
and historical value. We employ the well-considered words 
of Henry Cabot Lodge, who says : 

"The Sagas may then be accepted as authentic historical 
records. A detailed examination of them would result 
in almost complete proof of Norse visits to America. Such 
an examination would be impossible within the limits of a 
notice, but some of the most striking portions are worth at- 
tention. If one takes a map of North America, it will be 
seen at once that a vessel starting from Cape Farewell and 
steering almost due south would make the coast of New- 
foundland, possibly Labrador. The first land made by the 
Northmen after leaving Greenland was Helluland, distin- 
guished by its rocky appearance, like the northern Newfound- 
land coast. Further to the south, the next shores would be 
that of Nova Scotia, a thickly wooded country, and called by 
the Northmen Markand. Several days of open water and 
Cape Cod or Cape Kiarlarness would be reached. The de- 
scription of the cape in the Sagas, where it is frequently 
mentioned, corresponds perfectly with Cape Cod. The fea- 
tures of the shore are accurately described, long stretches 
of flats and sand dunes rising up behind them. To the south 
of this cape a bay was entered by the Norsemen, and named 
from its numerous currents, for which Buzzards^ Bay is re- 
markable. The large island covered with the eggs of sea- 
birds lies in the southern part of the bay. The long beaches 
of Martha's Vineyard and Nantucket are famous to-day, as in 
the tenth century, for large quantities of sea-fowFs eggs. In 
this country wild grapes grew in great profusion. Even sup- 
posing great changes of climate, this fact may be fairly taken 
to exclude Greenland and Labrador, in both of which coun- 
tries wild grapes would be an anomaly. Gi'apes do grow, 
however, in Rhode Island. Examples might be multiplied. 
It is a very strong case of cumulative evidence. Vinland must 
have been some portion of the eastern coast of the American 
Continent. Nothing then is more likely than that the Norse- 
14 



106 PilE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERT OF 

" take ye and all on board my ship, and as much of the 
goods as the ship will store." They took up this offer, and 
sailed away to Ericfiord with the cargo, and from thence to 
Brattahlid, where they unloaded the ship. Leif offered 
Thorer and his wife, Gudrid, and three others, lodg- 
ing with himself, and offering lodging elsewhere for the rest 
of the people, both of Thorer's crew and his own. Leif 
took fifteen men from the rock, and thereafter was called, Leif 
the Lucky. After that time Leif advanced greatly in wealth 
and consideration. That winter, sickness came among 
Thorer's people, and he himself, and a great part of his 
crew, died. The same winter Eric Red died. This expe- 
dition to Yinland was much talked of, and Leif's brother, 
Thorv^ald, thought that the country had not been explored 
enough in different places. Then Leif said to Thorvald, 
" You may go, brother, in my ship to Vinland if you like ; 
but I will first send the ship for the timber which Thorer 
left upon the rock." So it was done. 

SECOND NARRATIV^E. 

The same spring King Olaf, as said before, sent Gissur^ 
and Hialte" to Iceland. The kinor also sent Leif to Green- 



men visited New England. The description of the Sagas co- 
incide exactly with the south-eastern coast of Rhode Island 
and Massachusetts. The Sagas are in the main certainly ac- 
curate and truthful. If these premises are admitted, and it 
seems impossible to deny them, the visits of the Norsemen 
are sufficiently well proved."— iVor^/i Americaii Eevietv, vol. 
cxix, p. 177. 

' Gissur, called the White, was one of the greatest lawyers 
of Iceland. We read that *' there was a man named Gissur 
White, he was Teit's son, Kettlebiarne the Old's son, of 
Mossfell [Iceland]. Bishop Isleif was Gissur's son. Gissur 
the White kept house at Mossfell, and was a great Chief." 
Saga of Burnt Nial, vol. i, p. 146. 

^ Hialte was doubtless the same person who entered the 
swimming match with King Olaf. See Saga of Olaf Trygg- 
vesson. 



America by the Northmen. 107 

land to proclaim Christianity there. The king sent with him 
a priest and some other religious men, to baptize the people 
and teach them the true faith. Leif sailed the same sum- 
mer to Greenland ; he took up out of the ocean the people 
of a ship who were on a wreck completely destroyed, and in a 
perishing condition. On this same voyage he discovered 
Vinland the Good,^ and came at the close of summer to 
Brattahlid, to his father Eric. After that time the people 
called him, Leif the Fortunate ; but his father Eric said 
that these two things went against one another ; that Leif 
had saved the crew of the ship, and delivered them from 
death, and that he had [brought] that bad man into Green- 
land, that is what he called the priest ; but after mucli urging, 
Eric was baptized,^ as well as all the people of Greenland. 

THIRD NARRATIVE. 

The same winter, Leif, the son of Eric the Red, was in 
high favor with King Olaf, and embraced Christianity. But 
the summer that Gissur went to Iceland, King Olaf sent 
Leif to Greenland, to proclaim Christianity. He sailed the 
same summer for Greenland. He found some men in the 
sea on a wreck, and helped them ; the same voyage,^ he dis- 
covered Vinland the Good, and came at harvest time to 
Greenland. He brought with him a priest and other re- 
ligious* men, and went to live at Brattahlid with his father 
Eric. He was afterward called, Leif the Fortunate. But 
his father Eric said, that these two things were opposed to 
one another, because Leif had saved the crew of the ship, 
and brought evil men to Greenland, meaning the priests. 

' This is an error, imless the writer means that the voyage 
to Vinland, afterward undertaken, was a part of the same 
general expedition. Leif went to Greenland first, as we have 
already seen. 

^ These pagans did not always yield even so readily as Eric. 
Some in Norway became martyrs to the faith of Odin. See 
Saga of Olaf Tryggvesson {passint) in vol. i, of Heimshringla. 

^ See note to foregoing account. 

* These appear to have been married men or secular clergy. 



108 Pre-Columbian Discovery of 

V. THORVALD ERICSON'S EXPEDITION". 

The greater portion of this voyage appears to have been 
performed during two summers, the expedition, after visiting 
the Bay of Boston, finally returning to Greenland on account 
of the death of their leader. The narrative is taken from 
Codex Flatoiensis, as given in Antiquitates Americance. 



Now Thorvald [A. D. 1002] made ready for his voyage 
with thirty men, after consulting his brother Leif. They 
rigged their ship, and put to sea. Nothing is related of this 
expedition until they came to Vinland, to the booths put up 
by Leif, where they secured the ship and tackle, and re- 
mained quiet all winter and lived by fishing. In the spring 
[A. D. 1003] Thorvald ordered the vessel to be rigged, and 
that some men should proceed in the long-boat westward 
along the coast, and explore it during the summer.^ They 
thought the country beautiful and well wooded, the distance 
small between the forest and the sea, and the strand full of 
white sand. There were also many islands and very shallow 
water. They found no abode for man or beast, but on an 
island far toward the west, they found a corn barn con- 
structed of wood.^ They found no other traces of human 
work, and came back in the autumn to Leif's booths. The fol- 
lowing spring [A. D. 1004] Thorvald, with his merchant 
ship, proceeded eastward, and toward the north along the 
land. Opposite to a cape' they met bad weather, and drove 

' Assuming that the expedition was located in Khode Island, 
this westward exploration would indicate a movement along 
the shore of Connecticut, which answers well enough to the 
description. 

" A building of this character would point to Europeans, 
who, according to the minor narratives, preceded the Iceland- 
ers in America. 

^ This cape was not Point Gilbert, but the terminus of Cape 
Cod, known as ''Race Point," a dangerous place for naviga- 



America by the Northmen. 109 

upon the land and broke the keel, and remained there a long 
time to repair the v^essel. Thorvald said to his companions : 
" We will stick up the keel here upon the ness, and call the 
place Kialarness ;" which they did. Then they sailed away 
eastward along the country, entering the mouths of the 
bays, to a point of land which was every where covered with 
woods. They moored the vessel to the land, laid out gang- 
ways to the shore, and Thorvald, with all his ship's company, 
landed. He said, " Here it is so beautiful, and I would 
willingly set up my abode here.'" They afterward went 



tion. It would seem that this was the place referred to, for 
the reason that the next place mentioned is the shore near 
Plymouth, which is readily seen from the end of Cape Cod 
in a clear day. Here is a hiatus. It was the vicinity of 
Kace Point that they called '* Kialarness," or Keel Cape. 
From Cape Cod it would seem they crossed to Plymouth, 
whose heights were in view of the cape in clear weather, and 
then worked along eastward, though the passage across the 
mouth of Cape Cod Bay is not mentioned, reaching the mouth 
of Boston Harbor, where Thorvald said, " Here it is beauti- 
ful," even as John Smith wrote of it as ''the Paradise of all 
these parts," and where evidently the French had been be- 
fore him. Indeed every thing goes to prove, that from the 
time of Allefonsce, 1542, down to Bellinger, 1583, the French 
must often resorted thither. If we are correct in this view, 
Boston is a singularly appropriate place for a monument 
to the "NTorthmen. Afterward they speak of "the bay" 
and habitations, all of which is in keeping with Boston 
Harbor. Whoever takes the trouble to analyze the language, 
will discover by the occasional hiatus that the writer speaks 
from a fullness of knowledge, and that he could have added 
many particulars, showing that he was writing about actual 
events. 

' Here, Antiquitates Americanm, p. 42, is followed, instead 
of Peringskiold, whose version does not mention the point of 
land. This place is regarded as Point Alderton, below Boston 
Harbor. Thorvald evidently sailed along the shore to this 
point, which is the most remarkable on the east coast. 



110 Pee-Columbian' Discovery of 

on board, and saw three specks upon the sand within the 
point, and went to them and found there were three skin 
boats with three men under each boat. They divided their 
men and took all of them prisoners, except one man, who 
escaped with his boat. They killed eight of them, and then 
went to the point and looked about them. Within this 
bay they saw several eminences, which they took to be habi- 
tations. Then a great drowsiness came upon them and they 
could not keep themselves awake, but all of them fell 
asleep.^ A sudden scream came to them, and they all awoke ; 
and mixed with the scream they thought they heard the 
words : "Awake, Thorvald, with all thy comrades, if ye 
will save your lives. Go on board your ship as fast as you 
can, and leave this land without delay." In the same mo- 
ment an innumerable multitude, from the interior of the 
bay, came in skin boats and laid themselves alongside. Then 
said Thorvald, " We shall put up our war screens^ along the 
gunwales and defend ourselves as well as we can, but not 
use our weapons much against them." They did so ac- 
cordingly. The Skrsellings^ shot at them for a while, and 

' Nothing supernatural is here intended, simj)ly the result 
of fatigue. 

'^ These screens were made of planks which could be quickly 
arranged above the bulwarks, thus affording particular pro- 
tection against arrows and stones. 

' These people are sometimes called Smaelliugar, or small 
men. Others deduce their name from skrcela, to dry, allud- 
ing to their shriveled aspect ; and others from skrmkia to 
shout. It is evident from the accounts of Egede and Crantz, 
tliat tliey formerly inhabited this part of the country, but 
were gradually obliged to go northward. It is well known 
that in other parts of America, these migrations were com- 
mon. These people were more likely to take refuge in 
Greenland than the Northmen themselves. Critics have been 
concerned to know how it comes that the people met by the 
Northmen in New England appeared to be Esquimaux, and 
not Red Indians. This is because the Eed Indians had not 
then become masters of the coast, which was held by a littoral 



Amekica by the Noethmen". Ill 

then fled away as fast as they could. Then Thorvald asked 
if anyone was wounded, and they said nobody was hurt. He 
said : *' I have a wound under the arm.^ An arrow flew 
between the gunwale and the shield under my arm : here 
is the arrow, and it will be ray death wound. Now I ad- 
vise you to make ready with all speed to return ; but ye 
shall carry me to the point which I thought would be so 
convenient for a dwelling. It may be that it was true what 
I said, that here would I dwell for a while. Ye shall bury 
me there, and place a cross at my head and one at my feet, 
and call the place Crossness." Christianity had been estab- 
lished in Greenland at this time f but Eric Red was dead^ 



people who once occupied the coast from Florida to Green- 
land, being the descendants of what may be called the " gla- 
cial man." The Indian who said that the Great Spirit gave 
him the country, simply wrested it from the Skraellings, whose 
stone implements are now found in the Trenton gravels. See 
author's ^^ Glacial Man in America;" Pop. Science Revietu, 
vol. XVIII, p. 31. The skin boats of the Skraellings were in 
keeping with habits of the littoral people. The Eed man 
who followed used bark, or fashioned canoes out of solid logs, 
as described by Sebastian Cabot, Verrazano and Lescarbot. 

' The conduct of Thorvald indicates magnanimity of char- 
acter, thinking first of his men, and afterward of himself. 

"^ Christianity was introduced by Leif, Thorvald's brother, 
in 1001-2. 

' This is evidently an error, for Christianity was introduced 
by Leif, hefore he sailed on his voyage to Vinland. Errors 
like this abound in all early annals, and why should Icelandic 
chronicles be free from them? Every such case will be im- 
partially pointed out. The treatment of this passage by 
Smith, in his Dialogues on the Northmen, p. 127, is far from 
being candid. He translates the passage thus: "But Eric 
the Eed had died without professing Christianity," and refers 
the English reader to the Saga of Thorfinn Karlsefne, A71- 
tiquitates Americance, pp. 119-20, as if he would there find a 
reason for his rendering of the text, which is unequivocal, and 
is translated literally above. On turning to the authority in 



112 Pre-Columbian Discovery of 

before Christianity was introduced. I!^ow Tliorvald died, 
and they did everything as he had ordered. Then they went 
away in search of their fellow voyagers,^ and they related to 
each other all the news. They remained in their dwelling 
all winter, and gathered vines and grapes,^ and put them on 
board their ships. Toward spring, they prepared to return 
to Greenland, where they arrived with their vessel, and 
landed at Ericsfiord, bringing heavy tidings to Leif. 



VI. THORSTEIN ERICSON'S ATTEMPT TO FIND 
YINLAND. 

This version is from Codex Flatoiensis., and is given in 
Antiquitates Americance, pp. 47-55. The expedition was 
wholly unsuccessful, and the leader finally died without 
reaching the desired land. One cannot help believing, not- 
withstanding the marvellous events recorded, that the basis 
of this account is formed of solid fact. The narrative is 
not one likely to have been invented by an impostor, espec- 
cially as there was no motive suggesting imposture. 



In the meantime it had happened in Greenland that 
Thorstein of Ericsfiord had married and taken to wife [A. 



question, we find nothing more said than that " Eric was 
slow to give up his [pagan] religion/' and that the affair 
caused a separation between him and his wife. That he was 
sloiu to give up his pagan belief, would seem to indicate that 
he did give it up eventually. Moreover we have the direct 
statement that he was baptized. See second Narrative of Leif, 
p. . 

' That is, they returned around Cape Cod to the rendezvous 
in Rhode Island. 

^ Gathering and drying them evidently. 



America by the Northmen. 113 

T>. 1005] Gudrid/ the daughter of Thorbiorn, who had been 
married, as before related, to Tliorer, the Eastman.^ Thor- 
stein Ericson bethought him now that he would go to V^in- 
land for his brother Thorvald's body. He rigged out the 
same vessel and chose an able and stout crew. He had with 
him twenty-five men and his wife Gudrid, and as soon as 
they were ready he put to sea. They quickly lost sight of 
the laud. They drove about on the ocean the whole sum- 
mer without knowing where they were, ^ and in the first week 
of winter* they landed at Lysifiord in Greenland, in the 
western settlement. Thorstein looked for lodgings for his 
men and got his whole ship's crew accommodated, but not 
himself and wife, so that for some nights they had to sleep 
on board At that time Christianity was but recent in 
Greeuland. One day, early in the morning, some men came 
to their tent and the leader asked them what people were in 
the tent ? Thorstein replies, " Two ; who is it that asks ? " 
" Thorstein," was the reply, " and I am called Thorstein 
the Black, and it is my errand here to offer thee and thy 
wife lodging beside me." Thorstein said he would speak 
to his wife about it, and as she gave her consent he agreed 
to it. " Then I shall come for you to-morrow with my 
horses,^ for I do not want means to entertain you ; but few 
care to live in my house ; I and my wife live lonely, and I 



^ This Gudrid who was rescued from the rock in the sea by 
Leif Ericson, is now married the second time, and as we 
shall see later- on, was married a third time, and became the 
head of a most important family, afterward going to Eome. 

2 Norway lay east of Iceland, and hence the people of that 
country were sometimes called Eastmen. 

3 If Vinland had been situated in Labrador, it would be 
rather idle to suppose that they could have lost the summer 
in trying to find it. This expedition aimed at reaching the 
place called " Crossaness " near the Bay of Boston. 

* Winter began October 17. 

^ They probably had, at least, dimmutive horses or ponies 
in Greenland like those of Iceland to-day. 
15 



114 Pre-Columbian" Discovert of 

am very gloomj, I have also a difierent religion^ from 
yours, although I think the one you have the best." Now 
the following morning he came for them with horses, and 
they took up their abode with Thorstein Black, who was 
very friendly toward them. Gudrid had a good outward ap- 
pearance and was knowing, and understood well how to 
behave with strangers. Early in the winter a sickness pre- 
vailed among Thorstein Ericson's people, and many of his 
ship-men died. He ordered that coffins should be made for 
the bodies of the dead and that they should be brought on 
board and stowed away carefully, for he said, " I will trans- 
port all the bodies to Ericsfiord in summer." ^ It was not 
long before sickness broke out in Thorstein Black's house, 
and his wife, who was called Grimhild, fell sick first. She 
was very stout and as strong as a man, but yet she could 
not bear up against the illness. Soon after Thorstein Eric- 
son also fell sick and they both lay ill in bed at the same 
time ; but Grimhild, Thorstein Black's wife, died first. 
When she was dead, Thorstein went out of the room for a 
skin to lay over the corpse. Then Gudrid said, " My dear 
Thorstein, be not long away," which he promised. Then said 
Thorstein Ericson, " Our housewife is wonderful, for she 
raises herself up with her elbows, moves herself forward 
over the bed-frame, and is feeling for her shoes." In the 
same moment, Thorstein the Goodman, came back, and in- 
stantly, Grimhild laid herself down, so that it made every 
beam that was in the house crack. Thorstein now made a 
coffin for Grimhild's corpse, removed it outside, and buried 
it. He was a stout and strong man, but it required all his 
strength to remove the corpse from the house. Now Thor- 
stein Ericson's illness increased upon him, and he died, 
which Gudrid his wife took with great grief. They were 
all in the room, and Gudrid had set herself upon a stool be- 
fore the bench on which her husband Thorstein' s body lay. 



* Thorstein Black was a pagan, who nevertheless saw the 
superior value of the new faith. 

* See The Graves of The Northmen, Church Monthly, 1865 



Ameeica by the Northmen. 115 

Now Thorstein the Goodman took Gudrid from the stool in 
his arms, and set himself with her upon a bench just oppo- 
site to Thorstein's body,^ and spoke much with her. He con- 
soled her, and promised to go with her in summer to 
Ericsfiord, with her husband Thorsteiu's corpse, and those 
of his crew. " And," said he, " I shall take with me many 
servants to console and assist." She thanked him for this. 
Thorstein Ericson then raised himself up and said, " Where 
is Gudrid ? " And thrice he said this ; but she was silent. 
Then she said to Thorstein the Goodman, " Shall I give 
answer or not ? " He told her not to answer. Then went 
Thorstein the Goodman across the room, and sat down in a 
chair, and Gudrid set herself on his knee; and Thorstein 
the Goodman said: " What wilt thou make known ?" After 
a while the corpse replies, " I wish to tell Gudrid her fate 
beforehand, that she may be the better able to bear my 
death ; for I have come to a blessed resting place. This I 
have now to tell thee, Gudrid, that thou wilt be married to 
an Iceland man, and ye will live long together and from 
you will descend man}* men, brave, gallant and wise, and 
a well-pleasing race of posterity. Ye shall go from Green- 
land to Norway, and from thence to Iceland, where 
ye shall dwell. Long will ye live together, but thou wilt 
survive him ; and then thou shalt go abroad, and go south- 
ward,^ and shall return to thy home in Iceland. And 
there must a church be built, and thou must remain there 
and be consecrated a nun, and there end thy days."^ And 

' We must here remember the simplicity of manners, which 
then (as now) prevailed among the Icelanders. The tourist 
in Iceland is always surprised by the absence of all prudery. 

" That is, visit Italy and especially Eome . 

* Whoever inclines to dismiss this narrative as an idle 
fiction, must remember that all history is more or less per- 
vaded by similar stories. The Rev. Cotton Mather, in his 
Magnalia of Neto England, gives the account of a great num- 
ber of supernatural events of no better character than this re- 
lated in the Saga. Some are ludicrous in the extreme, and 



116 Pre-Columbian Discovery of 

then Thorstein sank backward, and his corpse was put in 
order and carried to the ship. Thorstein the Goodman did 
all that he had promised. He sold in spring [A. D. 1006] 

others are horrible, both in their inception and end. Among 
other stories, is that of Mr. Phillip Smith, deacon of the 
church at Hadley, Mass., and a member of the General Court, 
who appears to have been bewitched. He was finally obliged 
to keep his bed. Then it is said that the people "beheld fire 
sometimes on the bed ; and when the beholders began to dis- 
course of it, it vanished away. Divers people actually felt 
something often stir in the bed, at a considerable distance 
from the man ; it seemed as big as a cat, but they could never 
grasp it. Several trying to lean on the bed's head, tho' the 
sick man lay wholly still, the bed would shake so as to knock 
their heads uncomfortably. A very strong man could not 
lift the sick man, to make him lie more easily, tho' he ap- 
ply'd his utmost strength unto it ; and yet he could go pres- 
ently and lift the bedstead and a bed, and a man lying on it, 
without any strain to himself at all. Mr. Smith dies ... 
After the opi?iio7i of all had pronounc'd him dead, his counte- 
nance continued as lively as though he had been alive. . . . 
Divers noises were heard in the room where the corpse lay ; 
as the clattering of chairs and stools, whereof no account 
could be given." — Magnalia, ed. 1853, vol. i, p. 455. The 
account is vouched for by the author, who was one of the 
most learned divines of his day. Another is given, among 
the multitude of which he had the most convincing proof. He 
writes: '* It was on the 2d day of May, in the year 1687, that 
a most ingenious, accomplished and well-dispos'd young gen- 
tleman, Mr. Joseph Beacon by Name, about 5 o'clock in the 
morning, as he lay, whether sleeping or waking he could not 
say (but he judged the latter of them), had a view of his 
brother, then at London, although he was himself at our Bos- 
ton, distanc'd from him a thousand leagues. This his brother 
appear'd to him in the morning (I say) about 5 o'clock, at 
Boston, having on him a Bengale gown, which he usually 
wore, with a napkin ty'd about his head; his countenance was 
very pale, ghastly, deadly, and he had a bloody wound on the 
side of his forehead. ' Brother,' says the affrighted Joseph, 



America by the Northmen. 117 

his land and cattle, and went witliGudrid and all her goods ; 
made ready the ship, got men for it, and then went to Erics- 
fiord. The bod}' was buried at the church.^ Gudrid went 
to Leif's at Brattahlid, and Thorstein the Black took his 
abode in Ericsfiord, and dwelt there as long as he lived ; 
and was reckoned an able man. 



YII. THOKFINN KARLSEFISTE'S EXPEDITION TO 
YINLAND. 

This was in many respects the most important expedition 
to New England, botli as regards the numbers engaged, and 



'Brother,' answered the apparition. Said Joseph, 'What's 
the matter Brother ? how came you here ? ' The apparition 
replied : ' Brother I have been most barbarously and in- 
humanly murdered by a debauch'd fellow, to whom I never 
did any wrong in my life.^ Whereupon he gave a particular 
description of the murderer ; adding, ' Brother, this fellow, 
changing his name, is attempting to come over to New Eng- 
land in i^oy or Wild; I would pray you on the arrival of 
either of these, to get an order from the governour to seize the 
person whom I now have describ'd, and then do you indict 
him for the murder of your brother.' And so he vanished." 
Mather then adds an account, which shows that Beacon's 
brother was actually murdered as described, dying within the 
very hour in which his apparition appeared in Boston. He 
says that the murderer was tried, but, with the aid of his 
friends, saved his life. Joseph himself, our author says, died 
"a pious and hopeful death," and gave him the account 
written aud signed with his own hand. While New England 
history abounds with stories like this, men incline to question 
an Icelandic writer, because he occasionally indulges in fan- 
cies of the same sort. Rather should we look for them, as 
authentic contemporary signs. These things seem to be 
more or less akin to what are called the " spiritual manifesta- 
tions " of our modern times, and suggest the well-attested 
marvels that disturbed the Wesley family. 

' Thorhild's Church. See Antiquitates Americance, p. 119. 



118 Pre-Oolumbiak Discovert of 

the information and experience derived. We have three 
different accounts of the expedition. The first is from the 
somewhat lengthy Saga of Thorfinn Karlsef ne, in the Arnce- 
Magncean Oollection ; the second is from the Saga of Eric 
the Eed, being called " The Account of Thorfinn ; " while 
the third is a briefer relation from Codex Flatoiensis. The 
first two may be found in Rafn's Antiquitates Americanm^ 
pp. 75-200 ; while the last is also given in the same work, 
on pp. 55-64. 

The Saga of Karlsefne is occupied largely at the begin- 
ning with accounts of various matters connected with social 
life ; yet, as such subjects are not essential to the treatment 
of the voyage, they are all omitted, except the account of 
Thorfinn's marriage with the widow of Thorsteiu Ericson. 

The notes to the narrative of Leif's expedition, which 
precede this Saga in the chronological order, do away with 
the necessity of treating a number of important points sug- 
gested again in the present narrative. 

It is believed that the principal manuscript of Thorfinn 
Karlsefne is an autograph by one of his descendants, the 
celebrated Hauk Erlander, the Governor or Lagman of Ice- 
land, in 1295, who also was one of the compilers of the 
Landnama-hok. Erlander was the ninth in descent from 
Thorfinn. Torf^eus, who supposed that this manuscript was 
lost, knew it only through corrupt extracts in the collection 
of Biorn Johnson. 

There will be found a substantial agreement between the 
different accounts, notwithstanding they may not have been 
composed by eye witnesses. The differences are evidently 
such as would not appear in the case of three writers who 
had banded together for the purpose of carrying out a his- 
torical fraud. The Saga of Thorfinn, we may again remind 
the student, was written in Iceland, while that of Eric was 
composed in Greenland. The account from the Flato 
Manuscript was, of course, written in the island which 
bears that name, and is extremely brief, wanting many essen- 
tial particulars. Indeed it is time that we had done talking 



America by the Northmen". 119 

about fraud in connection with the work of the Icelanders, 
who knew no spirit of rivalry and were not competing with 
any foreign claimants. 

NARRATIVE OF THORFINN KARLSEFNE. 

There was a man named Thord who dwelt at Hofda, in 
Hof da- Strand. He married Fridgerda, daughter of Thorer 
the Idle, and of Fridgerda the daughter of Kiarval, King 
of the Irish. Thord was the son of Biarne Biitter^-Tub, 
son of Thorvald, son of Aslak, son of Biarne Ironsides, son 
of Ragnar Lodbrok. They had a son named Snorre, who 
married Thorhild the Partridge, daughter of Thord Geller. 
They had a son named Thord Horsehead. Thorfinn Karl- 
sefne^ was his son, whose mother's name was Thornna. 
Thorfinn occupied his time in merchant voyages and was 
thought a good trader. One summer he fitted out his ship 
for a voyage to Greenland, attended by Snorre Thorbrand- 
son of Alptafiord, and a crew of forty men. There was a 
man named Biarne Grimolfson of Breidafiord, and another 
named Thorhall Gamlason of Austfiord. These men fitted 
out a ship at the same time to voyage to Greenland. They 
also had a crew of forty men. This ship and that of Thor- 
finn, as soon as they were ready, put to sea. It is not said 
how long they were on the voyage ; it is only told that both 
ships arrived at Ericsfiord in the autumn of that year. 
LeiP and other people rode down to the ships and friendly 



1 ff Byrdusmj'dr." 

2 " Karl is the equivalent of the Anglo-Saxon " Carl," signi- 
fying a "^ Man." ''Efni" finds its equivalent in the Latin 
Materia, signifying ''StufP." ^'Mannsefni" stood for a 
"promising man," and " Karlsefni " for a "real " or "sterling" 
man. The name was often used in the sense of a nickname, 
and indicated that the person to whom it was applied was 
made of '^ good stuff." 

^ Throughout this narrative of Thorfinn, the name of Eric 
occurs where that of Leif should be given. Eric died five 
years before Thorfinn came over to Greenland. This account 



120 Pre-Columbian Discovery of 

exchanges were made. The captains requested Leif to take 
whatever he desired of their goods. Leif, in return, enter- 
tained them well and invited the principal men of botli ships 
to spend the winter with him at Brattahlid. The merchants 
accepted his invitation with thanks. Afterward their goods 
were moved to Brattahlid, where they had every entertain- 
ment that they could desire ; therefore their winter quarters 
pleased them much. When the Yule feast began, Leif was 
silent and more depressed than usual. Then Karlsefne 
said to Leif : "Are you sick, friend Leif? you do not seem 
to be in your usual spirits. You have entertained us most 
liberally, for which we desire to render you all the service 
in our power. Tell me what it is that ails you." " You have 
received what I have been able to ofier you,' ' said Leif, " in 
the kindest manner and there is no idea in my mind that you 
have been wanting in courtesy ; but I am afraid lest when 
you go away it may be said that you never saw a Yule^ feast 
so meanly celebrated as that which draws near at which you 
will be entertained by Leif of Brattahlid." " That shall never 
be the case, friend," said Karlsefne, " we have ample stores 
in the ship ; take of these what you wish and make a feast as 
splendid as yon please." Leif accepted this offer and the Yule 
began. So well were Leif 's plans made, that all were sur- 
prised that such a rich feast could be prepared in so poor a 
country. After the Yule feast, Karlsefne began to treat 
with Leif, as to the marriage of Gudrid, Leif being the per- 
son to whom the right of betrothal belonged. Lief gave a 



having been written in Iceland, the author made a very natu- 
ral mistake in supposing that Eric was still at the head of the 
family. The proper change has been made in the translation 
to avoid confusion. 

' Yule was a pagan festival held originally in honor of Thor, 
the God of War, at the beginning of February, which was 
the opening of the Northman's year. But as Christianity 
had been established in Greenland for five years, the festival 
was now probably changed to December, and held in honor 
of Christ. 



America by the Northmen. 121 

favorable reply, and said she must fulfill that destiny which 
fate had assigned,^ and that he had heard of none except a 
good report of him ; and in the end it turned out that 
Karlsefne married Gudrid, and their wedding was held at 
Brattahlid, this same winter. 

[A. D, 1007.] The conversation often turned at Brattah- 
lid, on the discovery of Vinland the Good, and they said 
that a voyage there had great hope of gain.^ After this 
Karlsefne and Snorre made ready for going on a voyage 
there the following spring. Biarne and Thorhall Gamla- 
son, before mentioned, joined him with a ship. Tliere was 
a man named Thorvard, who married Freydis, natural 
daughter of Eric Red, and he decided to go with them, as 
did also Thorvald, son^ of Eric. Thorhall, commonly 
called the Hunter, who had been the huntsman of Eric in 
the summer, and his steward in the winter, also went. This 
Thorhall was a man of immense size and of great strength, 
and dark complexion and taciturn, and when he spoke, it was 
always jestingly. He was always inclined to give Leif evil 
advice. He was an enemy to Christianity. He knew much 
about desert lands ; and was in the same ship with Thorvord 
and Thorvald. These used the ship which brought Thor- 
biorn from Iceland. There were in all, forty men and a 
hundred.'* They sailed to the West district [of Greenland], 

' Ante, p. 115. Widow of Thorstein Ericson. Eafn thinks, 
as she is mentioned in this Saga by two names, Gudrid and 
Thurid, that one was her name in childhood, and the other 
in her maturer years, when Christianity came to have a practi- 
cal bearing. Her father's name was Thorbiorn, derived from 
Thor. It was supposed that those who bore the names of 
gods would find in these names a charm or special protection 
from danger. 

^ It was gain, not glory. They never boasted of their 
voyages. 

^ This is a mistake, Eric's son was dead and buried at Cros- 
saness in Vinland. It must have been another Thorvald. 
* The Northmen had two ways of reckoning a hundred, the 



122 Pre-Columbian Discovery of 

and thence to Blarney ; ^ hence they sailed south a night and 
a day. Then land was seen, and they launched a boat and 
explored the land ; they found great flat stones, many of 
which were twelve ells broad. There were a great number 
of foxes there. They called the land Helluland.^ Then 
they sailed a day and a night in a southerly course, and came 
to a land covered with woods, in which there were many 
wild animals. Beyond tiiis land to the south-east, la}^ an 
island on which they slew a bear. They called the island 
Bear island,^ and the land, Markland. Thence they sailed 
long south by the land and came to a cape. The land lay on 
the right [starboard] side of the ship, and there were long 
shores of sand. They came to land, and found on the cape, 
the keel of a ship, from which they called the place Kiarlar- 
ness,* and the shores they also called Wonder-strand, because 

short and the long. The long hundred was a hundred and 
twenty. We read in Tegner's Frithiof's Saga : 

" But a house for itself was tlae banquet hall, fashioned in fir wood; 
Not five hundred, though told ten dozen to every hundred, 
Filled that chamber so vast, when they gathered for Yule-tide 
carousing." 

American ed. , chap, iii, p. 13. 

Professor Rafn infers that the long hundred was here 
meant, because he thinks that the central inscription on 
Dighton Rock indicates CLI., the number of men Karlsefne 
had with him, after losing nine. 

' The present island of Disco, also called by the Northmen, 
Biaruey, or Bear island. 

^ The northern coast of America was called Helluland the 
Great, and Newfoundland, Helluland, or Little Helluland. — 
Antiquitates Americans, p. 419. The sailing time is put too 
short. 

* Supposed to be the Isle of Sable, but probably not. 

* Thorvald had left the keel of his vessel here on the point 
of this cape, which was Cape Cod. In calling it by this name, 
they simply followed his example, as in the case of Helluland 
and Markland. 



America by the Northmen. 123 

it seemed so long sailing by.^ Then the land bceame in- 
dented with coves, and they ran the ship into a bay,^ whither 
they directed their course. King Olaf Tryggvesson had 
given Leif two Scots,' a man named Haki and a woman 
named Hekia ; they were swifter of foot than wild animals. 



' Ante, p. 96, n. 

* This bay was probably the bay then situated between Point 
Gilbert and Isle Nauset, which Professor Agassi z proves to 
have existed. The writers do not mention this island in 
either of the accounts of Thorfinn's voyage; but it has been 
shown that Isle Nauset lay close to the shore, so that they 
might not know that it 2vas an island without par- 
ticular examination; and, if they were aware of its existence, 
it was not necessary to speak of it. Leif landed upon it and, 
therefore, it was mentioned by the author who wrote the ac- 
count of his voyage. Yet Thorfinn's chroniclers help to 
prove its existence, by showing that beyond Wonder-strand 
there was a bay where they rode at anchor for three days. It 
must be noticed that the events are not set down in their ex- 
act order, for, after the writer gets the vessels into the bay, he 
goes back to speak of the landing of the Scots, which is often 
the case where a writer is full of his subject. Gosnold an- 
chored in the same place in the night, and in the morning he 
remarked the number of coves, or as he calls them " breaches," 
in the land. The Saga mentions the same thing, saying, that 
the land " became indented with coves." These coves have 
now disappeared, yet the testimony of Gosnold shows how 
accurately the Northmen observed this part of the coast. 
Like Gosnold, they found it convenient and safe to lie here 
for a while. See Ante, p. 97, on ''Sloop Mary." 

^ This is the first we hear of slaves in Vinland. We have 
already seen that among the proud Northmen, slavery, 
" thralldom," was a reality. One of the near relations of 
Ingolf, the first Northman who settled in Iceland, was mur- 
dered by his Scotch (Irish) slaves. See on their dress, Eafn, 
p. 140, note a. The grain found was called "Hveiti," wheat, 
or in general language " corn," not meaning the Indian 
maise. 



124 Pre-Columbian Discovert of 

These were in Karlsefne's ship. Wlien they had passed be- 
yond Wonder-strand, they put these Scots ashore, and told 
them to run over the land to the south-west, three days, and 
discover the nature of the land, and then return. They 
had a kind of garment that they called kiafal, that was so 
made that a hat was on top, and it was open at the sides, 
and no arms ; fastened between the legs with a button and 
strap, otherwise they were naked. When they returned, 
one had in his hand a bunch of grapes, and the other a 
spear of wheat. They went on board, and afterward the 
course was obstructed by another bay. Beyond this bay 
was an island,^ on each side of which was a rapid current, 
that they called the Isle of Currents.^ There was so great 
a number of eider ducks ^ there, that they could hardly step 
without treading on their eggs. They called this place 
Stream Bay.* Here they brought their ships to land, 
and prepared to stay. They had with them all 
kinds of cattle. The situation of the place^ was pleasant, 
but they did not care for any thing, except to explore the 
land. Here they wintered without sufficient food. The 
next summer [A. D. 1008], failing to catch fish, they began 
to want food. Then Thorhall the Hunter diappeared. 

They found Thorhall, whom the}^ sought three days, on 
the top of a rock, where he lay breathing, blowing through 
his nose and mouth, and muttering. They asked why he 
had gone there. He rephed that this was nothing that 
concerned them.^ They said that he should go home with 



1 This, if we are correct, was Nantucket or Martha's Vine- 
yard, then perhaps united, forming one island, as great 
changes have taken place. 

"^ Straumey, or Straum Isle, which indicates the powerful 
currents in this region. 

3 The gull, or some similar bird is here referred to. 

* Buzzard's Bay. See note to p. 98. 

* The shore opposite Martha's Vineyard. 

^ It would appear from what follows that he was engaged in 
a heathen invocation. This is the only instance on record of 



America by the Northmen. 125 

them, which he did. Afterward a whale was cast ashore^ 
in that place ; and they assembled and cut it up, not 
knowing what kind of a whale it was. They boiled it with 
water, and ate it, and were taken sick. Then Thorhall 
said : " Now you see that Thor^ is more prompt to give 
aid than your Christ. This was cast ashore as a reward for 
the hymn which I composed to my patron Thor, who rarely 
forsakes me."^ When they knew this, they cast all the re- 



honor being paid to this heathen god on the shores of New 
England, yet we unwittingly recognize him every time we say 
''Thursday/' that is, " Thor's Day." 

' In olden times a certain portion of every whale cast ashore 
on Cape Cod, formed a perquisite of the clergy. Drift whales 
were set apart to swell the fund in aid of building Trinity 
church, New York. 

^Literally the Eed-beard, as Thor, the Thunderer, was 
supposed to have had a beard of that color. The principal 
deity of the Northmen was Odin, a king who died in his bed 
in Sweden, and was afterward apotheosized. He was called 
the "Terrible god." The souls of men slain in battle were 
received by him into the hall of the gods. Next was Frey, 
considered a god of earth. Thor the Red-beard was synony- 
mous with Jupiter. These three composed the supreme 
council of the gods. Afterward came the good and gentle 
Balder, with him came Brage, patron of eloquence and 
poetry, and his wife Iduna, charged with the care of certain 
apples. Also Heimdal the porter of the gods and builder of 
the rainbow, and Loke, a kind of Satan or evil principle aided 
by his children, the Wolf Fenris, the Serpent Midgard, and 
Hela or Death. The American red-breasted Robin is sacred 
to the red-bearded Thunderer; which explains the belief in 
some quarters, that whoever injures a robin will be struck by 
lightning. 

* The Saga has already stated {a7ife, p. 121) that Thorhall 
" knew much about desert lands." He appears as a stubborn 
and pronounced character, full of his own opinions. Now, 
therefore, we have an illustration of the man. The critic 
should place the man's character and attainments in connec- 



126 PEE-OOLUMBIAif DISCOVERY OF 

mains of the whale into the sea, and commended their affairs 
to God. After which the air became milder, and oppor- 
tunities were given for fishing. From that time there was 
an abundance of food ; and there were beasts on the land, 
eggs in the island, and fish in the sea. 

They say that Thorhall desired to go northward around 
Wonder-strand to explore Yinland, but Karlsefne wished to 
go along the shore south. Then Thorhall prepared himself 
at the island,^ but did not have more than nine men in his 
whole company, and all the others went in the company of 
Karlsefne. When Thorhall was carrying water to his ship, 
he sang this verse : 

" People said when hither I 
Came, that I the best 
Drink would have, but the land 
It justly becomes me to blame; 
I, a warrior, am now obliged 
To bear the pail; 
Wine touches not my lips, 
But I bow down to the spring." 

When they had made ready and were about to sail, Thor- 
hall sang : 

" Let us return 
Thither where [our] country -men rejoice, 
Let the ship try 
The smooth ways of the sea; 
While the strong heroes 
Live on Wonder-strand 
And there boil whales. 
Which is an honor to the land."'' 



tion with this performance and note how thoroughly they are 
in keeping. These statements are of the nature of undesigned 
coincidences, and show here, as a multitude of instances else- 
where demonstrate, that the writer was treating well-known 
characters in connection with a well known voyage. These 
are the points which should be dwelt upon by the student. 
^This is obscure about the "island," but the statement 



^ This is Thorhall's sarcasm. 



America by the ISTorthmejs". 127 

Afterward he sailed north to go around Wonder-strand 
and Kiarlarness, but when he wished to sail westward, they 
were met by a storm from the west and driven to Ireland, 
where they were beaten and made slaves. As merchants^ 
reported, there Thorhall died. 

It is said that Karlsefne, with Snorre and Biarne and his 
comrades, sailed along the coast south. They sailed long 
until they came to a river flowing down from the land 
through a lake into the sea, where there were sandy shoals, 
where it was imjDOssible to pass up, except with the highest 
tide. Karlsefne sailed up to the mouth of the river with 
his folk, and called the place Hop.^ Having come to the 
land, they saw that where the ground was low corn^ grew, 



when duly considered proves again that we are reading a 
genuine narrative, and that there was a well-known island at 
this point. Every hiatus in the narrative must prove sug- 
gestive to the critical mind. 

' We shall see from another part of this work, that the 
trade at that period between Ireland and Iceland, was very 
large. 

2 This may correspond to Mount Hope Bay. The Taunton 
river runs through it, and thence flows to the sea by Pocasset 
river and Seaconnet passage. Hop is from the Icelandic / 
Bopi, to recede, hence to form a bay. The coincidence in the 
name is curious. The fact that there is no lake here has been 
pointed out by one who appeared to have a fair equipment for 
criticism ; but Avho, nevertheless, failed to recognize the fact 
that words equivalent to " Lake " were applied by Scandi- 
navians to arms and branches of the sea, as well to waters 
entirely enclosed by land. In Scotland, where the Northmen 
colonized, and so generally employed their own nomenclature, 
the popular usage is that of the Scandinavians, arms of the sea 
being, like the lakes, designated as " Lochs," while the Irish 
have the word ''Lough." The Icelandic, in this case, is 
""vatn," generally meaning '' water," but in the present con- 
nection it means a lake, like the English " Derwent Water." 
Eafn translates it lacus. 

^ Wheat. " Sialfsana hveitiakrar." 



128 Pee- Columbian Discovekt of 

and where it was higher, vines were found. Every river 
was full of fish. 

Thev dug pits where the land began, and where the land 
was highest ; and when the tide went down, there were 
sacred fish ^ in the pits. There were a great number of all 
kinds of wild beasts in the woods. They stayed there half 
a month and enjoyed themselves, and did not notice any 
thing ; they had their cattle with them. Early one morning, 
when they looked around, they saw a great many skin boats, 
and poles were swung upon them, and it sounded like reeds 
shaken by the wind, and they pointed to the sun.^ Then 
said Karlsefne, ''What may this mean?" Snorre Thor- 
brandson replied, " It may be that this is a sign of peace, so 
let us take a white shield and hold it toward them." They 
did so. Thereupon they rowed toward them, wondering at 
them, and came to land. These people were swarthy and 
fierce, and had bushy hair on tiieir heads ; they had very 
large eyes and broad cheeks. Tliey stayed there for a time, 
and gazed upon those they met, and afterward rowed away 
southward around the ness. 

Karlsefne and his people had made their houses above the 
lake, and some of the houses were near the lake, and others 
more distant. They wintered there, and there was no snow, 



' In Iceland the halibut is called the sacred fish. Pliny uses 
the same name, which indicates that the water is safe where 
they were found. The halibut and most of the flat fish, such 
as flounders, are plentiful in that vicinity. The flounders are 
easily taken, and those who know how, often find them in 
very shoal water, burrowing just under the surface of the sand 
like a king crab. The Icelandic name of the fish is " Helgis 
fiskar," and the Danish Heleflyndre," which Eafn (p. 148) 
exhibits as Pleornectes Hippoglossus. Professor Horsford 
points out what he believes to have been ancient pits to catch 
fish, on the Charles river. 

'^ Davis, speaking of the natives in Greenland, in his voy- 
age of 1585, says, that, to indicate peaceful intentions, they 
pointed to the sun with their hands, after striking their breasts, 



Amekica by the Northmen. 129 

and all their cattle fed themselves on the grass.^ But when 
spring came [A. D. 1009] they saw one morning early, that 
a number of canoes rowed from the south around the ness ; 
so many, as if the sea were sown with coal ; poles were also 
swung on each boat. Karlsefne and his people then raised 
up the shield, and when they came together they began to 
trade. These people would rather have red cloth ; for this 
they offered skins and real furs. They would also buy 
swords and spears, but this, Karlsefne and Snorre forbade. 
For a whole fur skin, the Skrsellings took a piece of red 
cloth, a span long, and bound it round their heads. Thus 
went on their traffic for a time. Next the cloth began to be 
scarce with Karlsefne and his people, and they cut it up into 
small pieces, which were not wider than a finger's breath, 
and yet the Skrsellings gave just as much as before, and 
more. 

It happened that a bull, which Karlsefne had, ran out of 
the wood and roared aloud ; this frightened the Skrsellings, 
and they rushed to their canoes and rowed away toward the 



refusing to trust themselves to the English until they had 
done the same, through one of their number appointed for the 
purpose, " who stroke his breast and pointed to the sunne 
after their order." This pointing to the sun in token of 
peace, taken with the description of the people, shows con- 
clusively that the people seen by Karlsefne and Davis were of 
the same tribe or race, and formerly occupying a more south- 
erly locality. 

' This is language that might be employed by an Icelander, 
to indicate the difference between the new country and his 
own. It may have been an intentional exaggeration, similar 
to those of Eric in describing Greenland. Yet even if it were 
a serious attempt at history, it could not be regarded as farther 
from the truth, than Dr. Cotton Mather's description of the 
climate of New England, where he tells us, in his Christian 
Philosopher, that formerly water, tossed up in the air, came 
down ice ; and that in one place in Massachusetts it actually 
snowed wool, some of which he preserved in a box in his study. 
17 



130 Pre-Columbian- Discovery of 

south. After that they were not seen for three whole weeks. 
But at the end of that time, a great number of Skrselling's 
ships were seen coming from the south like a rushing torrent, 
all the poles turned from the sun, and they all yelled very 
loud. Then Karlsefne's people took a red ^ shield and held 
it toward them. The Sksellings leaped out of their vessels, 
and after this, they went against each other and fought. 
There was a hot shower of weapons, because the Skraellings 
had slings. 2 Karlsefne's people saw that they raised upon a 
pole, a very large ball, something like a sheep's paunch, and 
of a blue color ; this they swung from the pole over Karl- 
sefne's men, upon the ground, and it made a great noise as 
it fell down.^ This caused great fear with Karlsefne and 
his men, so that they only thought of j-unning away ; and 
they retreated along the river, for it seemed to them that 
the Skrsellings pressed them on all sides. They did not stop 
until they came to some rocks where they made a bold stand. 



' The red shield was the sign of war, and the white, of peace. 

"^ Davis mentions their slings, and his general description of 
the people agrees with that of the Icelanders. See "Inventio 
Fortunaia." 

'This can be explained. These people, doubtless, had their 
own ideas of the best method of conducting a fight. They 
were evidently Esquimaux, and formerly, according to Crantz, 
appear to have lived on this coast before it was occupied by 
the Indians, who, being a superior race, soon drove them away. 
But by referring to Schoolcraft's work on the Indians (vol. 
I, p. 83) we find that such an instrument was actually em- 
ployed in this country at a very early period. Schoolcraft 
says that many generations ago the natives used to sew up a 
round boulder in the skin of an animal and hang it upon a 
pole which was borne by several warriors, and when brought 
down suddenly upon a group of men produced consternation 
and death. This mode of warfare, learned perhaps by the 
Indians from the Skraellings, has not been practiced for the 
last three hundred years, but prevailed at the period when the 
Northmen were in America. 



America by the Northmen-. 131 

Frejdis came out and saw that Karlsefne's people fell back, 
and she cried out, " Why do you run, strong men as you 
are, before these miserable creatures whom I thought you 
would knock down like cattle ? If I had arms, metliinks I 
could fight better than any of you." They gave no heed to 
her words. Freydis would go with them, but she was 
slower because she was pregnant ; still she followed after 
them in the woods. She found a dead man in the woods ; 
it was Thorbrand Snorreson, and there stood a flat stone 
stuck in his head ; the sword lay naked by his side. This 
she took up and made ready to defend herself. Then came 
the Skrseliings toward her ; she drew out her breasts from 
under her clothes and dashed them against the naked sword. 
By this the Skrsellings became frightened and ran off to 
their ships and rowed away.^ Karlsefne and his men then 
came up and praised her courage. Two men fell on Karl- 
sefne's side, but a number of the Skrsellings. Karlsefne's 
band was overmatched. Next they went home to their 
dwellings and bound up their wounds, and considered what 
crowd that was that pressed upon them from the land side. 
It now seemed to them that it could have hardly been real 
people from the ships, but that these must have been opti- 
cal illusions. The Skrsellings also found a dead man and an 
axe lay by him ; one of them took up the axe and cut wood 
with it, and then one after another did the same and thought 
it was a fine thing and cut well. After that one took it and 
cut at a stone so that the axe broke, and then they thought 
that it was of no use because it would not cut stone, and 
they cast it away.^ 



* This appears to have been some piece of feminine bravado 
that does not appear to have gained a correct representation, 
though, in the woman's condition, the Skraelleings seemed to 
understand her. 

^ Now the narrator goes back to mention what appeared to 
him curious incidents. These Skrfellings were still in the 
Stone Age, and evidently did not know the use of iron. Stone 
was their standard of excellence, and when the iron would 



132 Pre-Columbian Discovery of 

Karlsefne and his people now thought they saw, that 
although the land had many good qualities, they still would 
always be exposed to the fear of attacks from the original 
dwellers. They decided, therefore, to go awa}'^ and to re- 
turn to their own land. They coasted northward along the 
shore^ and found five Skrsellings clad in skins, sleeping near 
the sea. They had with them vessels containing animal 
marrow mixed with blood. ^ Karlsefne's people thought that 
these men had been banished from the land ; they killed 
them. After that they came to a ness, and many wild beasts 
were there, and the ness was covered all over with dung 
from the beasts which had lain there during the night. ITow 
they came back to Straumfiord, and thei'e was a plenty of 
everything that they wanted to have, [It is thus that some 
men say that Biarne and Gudrid stayed behind and one hun- 
dred men with them, and did not go farther ; but that Karl- 
sefne and Snorre went southward and forty men with them, 
and were no longer in Hop than barely two months, and the 
same summer came back.]^ Karlsefne then went with one 
ship to seek Thorhall the Hunter, but the rest remained 
behind, and they sailed northward past Kiarlarness, and 
thence westward, and the land was upon their larboard 



not cut the stone they threw it away. From the third account 
of Karlsefne's expedition we shall see that the man killed was 
a Skraelliug. Abbott's researches show, beyond question, that 
the Indian was preceded by a people like the Esquimaux, 
whose stone imjilements are found in the Trenton gravel, 
large numbers of which are shown in the Peabody Museum, 
Cambridge. See Abbott's work on the Trenton Valley Stone 
Implements. 

^ This may have been a short exploration up Narragansett 
Bay. 

■^ The ancient Mexicans mixed human blood with bread of- 
fered on the altar of their deities. 

^The lines inclosed in brackets, convey what the writer 
understood to be a mere rumor. This rejaort was evidently 
untrue, yet it shows his honest intentions. 



Amekica by the Northmen". 133 

hand. There were wild woods over all, as far as they could 
see, and scarcely any open places. When they had sailed 
long a river ran out of the land east and west. They 
sailed into the mouth of the river, and lay by its bank.^ 



It chanced one morning that Karlsefne and his people 
saw opposite in an open place in the woods, a speck which 
glittered in their sight, and they called out towards it, and 
it was a Uniped,^ which thereupon hurried down to the 



'They appear to have sailed around Cape Cod, then steered 
across to Plymouth, coasted up the shore and entered Boston 
harbor, or some other river mouth. 

'^Einfoetingr, from em, one, and fotr, foot. This term 
appears to have been given by some old writers, to one of the 
African tribes, on account of a peculiarity of dress, which 
Wormskiold describes as a triangular cloth, hanging down so 
low, both before and behind, that the feet were concealed. 
In an old work called Rimhigla, a tribe of this class, dwell- 
ing in Blaland, Ethiopia, are thus described. — Beamish, p. 
101. We do not say how far the Saga writer employs his 
fancy on the Uniped, yet he is quite excusable, considering 
the weakness of modern writers. In 1634, Hans Egede wrote 
as follows about a hideous monster: ''July 6, a most hideous 
sea monster was seen, which reared itself so high above the 

water, that its head overtopped our mainsail Instead of 

fins, it had broad flaps like wings; its body seemed to be over- 
grown like shell work ... It was shaped like a serpent be- 
hind, and when it dived, raised its tail above the water, 

a whole ship's length." — Egede' s Greenland, p. 85; Crantz's 
Greenland, vol. iii, p. 116. Hudson even describes a mer- 
maid. St. Augustine in one place refers to Unipeds. 

The Rev. Dr. Cotton Mather, who has before been quoted, 
gives among other notable facts in his Magnolia, the state- 
ment, that in June, 1682, Mary Hortado, of Salmon Falls, 
was going with her husband " over the river in her canoe, 
when they saw the head of a man, and about three foot off, 



134 Pee-Columbian" Discoveet of 

bank of the river, where they lay. Thorvald Ericson stood 
at the helm, and the Uniped shot an arrow into his bowels. 
Thorvald drew ont the arrow and said : " It has killed me ! 
To a rich land we have come, but hardly shall we enjoy 
any benefit from it." Thorvald soon after died^of his 
wound. Upon this the Uniped ran away to the northward. 
Karlsefne and his people went after him, and saw him now 
and then, and the last time they saw him, he ran out into a 
bay. Then they turned back, and a man sang these verses: 

The people cliased. 

A uniped 

Down to the beach. 

Behold he ran , 

Straight over the sea — 

Hear thou, Thorfinn ! 

They drew oS to the northward, and saw the country of 
the Uoipeds, but they would not then expose their men any 
longer. They looked upon the mountain range that was 
at Hop, and that which they now found,^ as all one, and it 



the tail of a cat, swimming before the canoe, but no body to 
join them ... .A stone thrown by an invisible hand after this, 
caus'd a swelling and a soreness in her head; and she was 
hitten on both arms black and blue, and her breast scratch'd. 
The impression of the teeth, which were like a man's teeth, 
were seen by many." — Magnalia, vol. i, p. 454. 

'Evidently this name is wrongly given; Thorvald Ericson 
had been killed in a previous expedition. The second narra- 
tive of Karlsefne says that this Thorvald was a relation of 
Eric. 

2 Probably the Blue Hills of Milton, which are considered 
as extending almost if not quite, to Mount Hope, in Khode 
Island. The distance is given conjecturally, but it shows 
that the writer was describing a veritable voyage, reminding 
one of some of the statements with regard to hills in Wey- 
mouth's voyage to Kennebec. Some critics demand from the 
Northmen more exact descriptions of the coast than are given 
by many navigators of the seventeenth century. 



America by the Nokthmen. 135 

also appeared to be of equal leugth from Strauuifiord to 
both places. The third winter they were in Straumfiord. 
They now became much divided by party feeling, and the 
women were the cause of it, for those who were unmarried 
would injure those who were married, and hence arose 
great disturbance. There was- born the first autumn, 
Snorre, Karlsefne's son, and he was three years old when 
they went away. When they sailed from V inland they 
they had a south wind, and then came to Markland, and 
found there, five Skrsellings, and one was bearded ; two were 
females, and two boys ; they took the boys, but the others 
escaped, and the Skrsellings sank down in the ground.^ 
These boys they took with them ; they taught them the 
language, and they were baptized. They called their mother 
Yathelldi, and their father, Uvaege. They said that two 
kings ruled over the Skraellings, and that one was named 
Avalldania, but the other Valldidia.^ They said that no 
houses were there. People lived in eaves or in holes. They 
said there was a land on the other side, just opposite their 
country, where people lived who wore white clothes, and 
carried poles before them, and to these were fastened flags, 
and they shouted loud ; and the people think that this was 
White-man's land, or Great Ireland.^ 

^ That is, they fled into hiding places or got into under- 
ground abodes. 

* If we are correct in supposing that there was a glacial 
man, and that the Skrasllings were descendants of such a 
glacial man, it follows that we have in the Sagas four of his 
words, which may be the oldest known words of human 
speech: Vathelldi, Uvaege, Avalldania, and Valldidia, the 
names of the parents of the Skralling boys, and of the two 
kings. At least, in a recent note addressed to the writer. 
Prof. Max Muller says, that there is nothing in the language 
of the Esquimaux to prevent us from assigning it to an an- 
tiquity as high as that of the supposed glacial man. See 
"Olacial Man," etc. Popular S. Rev., xviii, p. 39. 

^ The location of this place will be discussed in the Minor 
Narratives. 



136 Pee-Columbian Discovery oe 

Biarne Grimolfson was driven with his ship into the Irish 
ocean, and they came into a worm sea,^ and soon the ship 
began to sink nnder them. They had a boat which was 
smeared with sea oil, for the worms do not attack that. 
They went into the boat, and then saw that it could not hold 
them all. Then said Biarne : "As the boat will not hold 
more than half of our men, it is my counsel that lots should 
be drawn for those to go in the boat, for it shall not be ac- 
cording to rank." This, they all thought so generous an 
offer, that no one would oppose it. They then did so that 
lots were drawn, and it fell to Biarne to go in the boat, 
and the half of the men with him, for the boat had not 
room for more. But when they had gotten into the boat, 
an Icelandic man that was in the ship, and had come with 
Biarne from Iceland, said : " Dost thou mean, Biarne, to 
leave me here ? " Biarne said : " So it seems." Then said 
the other: "Very different was the promise to my father, 
when I went with thee from Iceland, than thus to leave 
me, for thou said that we should both share the same fate." 
Biarne said, " It shall not be thus ; go down into the 
boat, and I will go up into the ship, since I see that 
thou art so anxious to live."^ Then Biarne went up into 



^ This was the teredo, which is often so destructive, and 
which caused Columbus to abandon a ship at Puerto Bello, 
because he could not keep her afloat. See Irving's "Columbus," 
p. 287. 

2 This was truly in accordance with the noble spirit of the 
great Northmen, who had no fear of death, which to heroes, 
is the shining gate of Valhalla. Biarne joined Karlsefne 
with a ship. Ante,]). 121. There may be some confusion here 
so far as relates to the statement that the survivors reached 
Dublin. Thorhall, the Hunter, we are elsewhere told, was 
driven to Ireland, but Biarne was not with him. The first 
narrative states distinctly that he remained with Thorfinu 
Karlsefne, and only two ships are mentioned, his own and 
Blarneys. It appears, however, that there was a third, prob- 
ably a small one, in which Thorhall, the Hunter, went north- 



America by the Northmen. 137 

the ship, and tliis man down into the boat, and after that 
they went on their voyage, until they came to Dublin, in 
Ireland, and there told these things ; but it is most people's 
belief that Biarne and his companions were lost in the worm 
sea, for nothing was heard of them after that time. 

THE ACCOUNT OF THORFINN. 

That same winter [A. D. 1006-7], there was much dis- 
cussion about the affairs of Brattahlid ; and they set up the 
game of chess, and sought amusement in the reciting of his- 
tory,^ and in many other things, and were able to pass life 
joyfully. Karlsefne and Snorre resolved to seek Vin- 
land, but there was much discussion about it. It turned out 
that Karlsefne and Snorre prepared their ships to seek Yin- 
land the following summer. [A. D. 1007]. In this enterprise 
Biarne and Thorhall joined as comrades with their own ship 
and crew, who were their followers. There was a man named 
Thorvald, a relation^ of Eric. Thorhall was called the 
Hunter. He long had hunted with Eric in summer, and 
had the care of many things. Thorhall was of great stature, 
large and swarthy face, of a hard nature, taciturn, saying 
little of affairs, and nevertheless crafty and malicious, always 
inclined to evil, and opposed in his mind to the Christian 
religion, from its first introduction into Greenland. Thor- 
hall indulged in trifling, but nevertheless Eric was used to 
his familiarity. He went in the ship with Thorvald, and 



ward around Vinland. It may be perfectly true, however, 
that two parties from Karlsefne^s expedition finally brought 
up in Ireland, as the annals of shipwreck furnish multitudes 
of most curious and remarkable incidents which outdo the 
creations of romance. See the recent case of the woman 
carried alone in a small fishing vessel from the coast of Eng- 
land in a severe gale, and cast upon the coast of Norway. 

' Here we have a distinct evidence of the fact that history 
was cultivated in Greenland. 

^ Here, the writer is correct. See ante, p. 121. 
18 



138 Pee-Oolumbian Discovery of 

was well acquainted with uninhabitable places. He used the 
ship in which Thorbiorn came ; and Karlsef ne engaged com- 
rades for the expedition ; and the best part of the sailors of 
Greenland were with him. They carried in their sliips, forty 
and a hundred men. Afterward they sailed to West bygd 
and Biarney-isle. They sailed from Biarney-isle with a north 
wind, and were on the sea a day and night, when they found 
land, and, sending a boat to the shore, explored the land, 
where they found many flat stones of such great size, that 
they exceeded in length the size of two men. There were 
foxes there. They gave the land a name, and called it Hellu- 
laud. After this, they sailed a night and a day with a north 
wind. They came to a land in which were great woods and 
many animals. South-west, opposite the land, lay an island. 
Here they found a bear, and called the island, Bear island. 
This land, where there were woods, they called Markland. 
After a voyage of a day and a night, they saw land, and 
they sailed near the land and saw that it was a cape ; they 
kept close to the shore with the wind on the starboard side, 
and left the land upon the right side of the ship. There 
were places without harbors, long shores and sands.^ When 
they went to the shore with a boat, they found the keel of 
a ship, and they called the place, Kiarlarness ; ^ and they 
gave the shore a name, and called it Wonder-strand, be- 
cause they were so long going by. Then another bay ex- 
tended into the land, and they steered into the bay.^ When 



' Disco. 

^ See on all these passages, ante, p. 109. It is rather ab- 
surd to suppose that the Northmen would have staid three 
years at a point only three days' sail from Grreenland, which is 
the time given to the Keel Cape, without communicating with 
home. We must extend the distance. 

■■' The same bay referred to in the previous account, and 
which lay between Point Gilbert and Isle Nauset. Archer, 
in his account of Gosnold's voyage, says, that when they 
rounded Point Care, the extremity of Isle Nauset, "We bore 
up again with the land, and in the night, came with it anchor- 




1 ». AS" 



f'p-, 



ILE V 
1 NAWSET )Pt.Car€ 



Pr. 






->> 



America by the Northmen. 139 

Leif was with King Olaf Tryggvesson, he sent him to es- 
tablish the Christian religion in Greenland ; then the king 
gave him two Scots-folk, a man named Hake, and a woman 
named Hekia. The king told Leif to take them with his 
men, if he would have his commands done quickly, as they 
were swifter than beasts. These folk, Leif and Eric gave 
to Karlsefne, as followers. When they were come opposite 
Wonder-strand, they put the Scots on the shore, and told 
them to run southward and explore the country, and return 
before the end of three days. They were thus clothed, 
having a garment called a Biafal ; ^ it was made so that a 
hat was on top, open at the sides, without arms, buttoned 
between the legs, and fastened with a button and a strap ; 
and the rest was bare. 

They came to anchor and lay by, until the three days 
passed,? when they returned, one having in his hand a vine, 
and the other, self-sown wheat. Karlsefne said that they 
had found a fruitful land. Afterward they were received 
into the ship, and they went on their way until a bay inter- 
sected the land. They steered the ship into the bay. On 
the outside was an island,^ and there was a great tide around 
the island. This they called Straumey.* There was a great 
number of birds, and it was scarcely possible to find a place 
for their feet among the eggs. Then they steered into a 
long bay which they called Straumtiord, where they landed 
from their ships and began to prepare habitations.^ They 



ing in eight fathoms, the ground good." Here it will be seen 
that the Northmen lay safely for three days. Ante, p. 123. 
' In the first account it is called a Kiafal. 

* The Sloop Mary delayed under similar circumstances. 
A7ite, p. 97, note. 

^ The agreement with the first account is substantial. 

* This island may have been the modern Nantucket. See 
ante, p. 105. 

* The identification of particular localities may be interest- 
ing, but it is not essential so long as we are able to show the 
general agreement of a description with some unmistakable 



140 Pre-Columbian Discovery of 

brought with them all kinds of cattle, and they found suf- 
ficient pasturage. There were mountains and the prospect 
was pleasant; but they cared for nothing except to explore 
the land ; there was a great abundance of grass. Here they 
wintered, and the winter was severe, and they did not have 
stores laid up, they began to be in want of food and failed 
to catch fish. So they sailed over to the island,^ hoping that 
they might find means of subsistence either on what they 
could catch or what was cast ashore. But they found but 
little better fare though the cattle were better off. [A. D. 
1008]. Afterward they prayed to God to send them food, 
which prayer was not answered as soon as desired. Then 
Thorhall disappeared and a search was made which lasted 
three days. On the morning of the fourth day Karlsefne 
and Biarne found him lying on the top of a rock ; there he 
lay stretched out, with open eyes, blowing through his 
mouth, and muttering to himself. They asked him why he 
had gone there. He replied that it did not concern them 
and not to wonder as he was old enough to take care of him- 



region. Torfseus found, in the various accounts, a region 
which he expressed by a drawing, showing a large promontory 
extending northward similar to Cape Cod, the general features 
of which, in connection with the coast south and south-west, 
are well delineated in all the Saga descriptions of '' Vinland.^' 
The temperature and productions of the country likewise 
agree, and though the sailing distance in reaching the Keel 
CajDe {Kiarlarness) may be too short, we can easily under- 
stand how that came about and can add to the time what may 
be needed; but we cannot modify the general description of 
the country with its great cape, the passage around which is 
so many times described. These general features are distinct 
and indestructible, and show conclusively that the Northmen 
in their various expeditions were accustomed to sail around 
Cape Cod, finding a rendezvous at the south or south-west not 
far from the heel of the cape. 

^This incident is not mentioned in the first narrative. We 
repeat that the island may have been Martha's Vineyard. 



America by the Northmeist. 141 

self without their troubling themselves with his affairs. 
They asked him to go home with them ; this he did. After 
that a whale was cast up and they ran down to cut it up ; 
nevertheless they did not know what kind it was. Neither 
did Karlsefne, though acquainted with whales, know this 
one. Then the cooks dressed the whale and they all ate of 
it and it made them all sick. Then Thorhall said, " It is 
clear now that the Red-beard is more prompt to give aid 
than your Christ. This food is a reward for a hymn which 
I made to mj god Thor, who has seldom deserted me.'' 
When they heard this none would eat any more, and threw 
what was left from the rock, committing themselves to God. 
After this the opportunity was given of going after fish, 
and there was no lack of food. They sailed into Straum- 
fiord^ and had abundance of food and hunting on the main- 
land, with many eggs and fish from the sea. 

Now they began to consider where they should settle 
next. Thorhall, the Hunter, wished to go northward around 
Wonder-strand and Kiarlarness to explore Yinland, but Karl- 
sefne wished to go south-west, thinking likely that there 
would be larger tracts of country the further they went 
south. Thorhall made ready at the island^ and only nine 
men went with him ; all the rest of the ship folk went with 
Karlsefne. One day Thorhall was carrying water to his 
ship ; he drank it and sang this verse : 



' Observe that it is not said that they left the " island/' 
but that they went to Straumfiord and hunted on the main- 
land, which is another of the many coincidences agreeing with 
the first narrative which mentions their leaving the island. 
Such unexpected agreements should not be lost with students 
really bent upon knowing the nature of these composi- 
tions. 

^ These narratives were originally recited, and doubtless in 
the hearing of some of those who had taken part in the ex- 
pedition, and what island was intended must have been clear 
to them. These little omissions prove much to a critical 
mind. Ante, p. 109, note. 



142 Pre-Columbian Discovery of 

' ' People promised me when liither I 
Came, then the best drink 
I should have; but the country 
I must denounce to all; 
Here you are forced by hand 
To bear the pail to the water, 
I must bend me down to the spring; 
Wine did not come to my lips." 

Afterward they left the land and Karlsefne went with 
them to the island. Before they hoisted sail, Thorhall 
sang these verses : 

" Let us return 
Home to our countrymen, 
Let the vessel try 
The broad path of the sea ; 
While the persevering 
Men who praise the land 
Are building' and boil the whales 
Here on Wonder- strand." 

Thereupon they sailed northward around Wonder-strand 
and Kialarness. But when they wished to cruise westward, 
a storm came against them, and drove them to Ireland, 
where they were beaten and made slaves. There Thorhall 
passed his life.^ 

Karlsefne, with Snorre and Biarne and the rest of his 
comrades, sailed south. They sailed long until they came 
to a river, which flowed from the land through a lake, and 
passed into the sea. Before the mouth of the river were 
great islands, and they were not able to enter the river ex- 
cept at the highest tide.^ Karlsefne sailed into the mouth 



' Notice the word bitildmg. Karlsefne evidently erected some 
kind of structures as well as Leif, and their enterprise seeks to 
excite the ridicule of ThorhalL This version of his song varies 
from the previous (p. 126) which does not mention the building. 

'■* The first narrative says substantially the same thing, that 
Thorhall died in Ireland. Ante, p. 127. 

^ The first narrative speaks of the shoals. Since that time 
changes have taken place in the physical aspects of the 
region. On the lake. See ante, p. 127, n. 2. 



America by the Northmejs". 143 

of the river, and called the land Hop. There they found 
fields, where the land was low, with wild corn, and where 
the land was high, were vines. Every river was full 
of fish. They made pits in the sand, where the tide rose 
highest, and at low tide, sacred fish were found in these 
pits, and in the woods was a great number of all kinds of 
beasts. Here they stayed half a month, enjoying them- 
selves, but observing nothing new. Early one morning, on 
looking around, they saw nine skin boats, in which were 
poles that, vibrating toward the sun, gave out a sound like 
reeds shaken by the wind. Then Karlsef ne said : " What, 
think you, does this mean ? " Snorre said : " It is possible 
that it is a sign of peace ; let us raise up a white shield and 
hold it toward them : " this they did. Then they rowed 
toward them, wondering at them, and came to land. These 
men were small of stature and fierce, having a bushy head 
of hair, and very great eyes and wide cheeks. They re- 
mained some time wondering at them, and afterward rowed 
southward around the caj^e.^ They built dwellings beyond 
the lake, others made houses near the mainland, and others 
near the lake. Here they spent the winter. No snow fell,^ 
and all their cattle fed under the open sky. They decided 
to explore all the mountains^ that were in Hop ; which 
done, they [A. D. 1009] went and passed the third winter 
in Straum bay. At this time they had much contention 
among themselves, and the unmarried women vexed the 
married. The first autumn, Snorre, Karlsef ne's son, was 
born, and he [was three years old] when they went away. 



' This narrative wholly omits the battle with the Skraellings. 
Each writer, as in the Gospel narratives, seems to dwell uj)on 
the points in which he or others felt a particular interest. 

^ This might have been the case on some remarkable season, 
like one well-known season in Iceland. 

'^This range extends to the Blue Hills of Massachusetts, which 
indicates considerable activity in exploration {ante, p. 134). This 
Saga says disti nctly that they expected to explore the land. Dur- 
ing the three years spent here Karlsef ne must have done much. 



144 Pre-Columbian Discovery of 

They had a south wind, and came to Markland, and found 
five Skrsellings, of whom one was a man, and two women, 
and two were boys. Karlsefne took the boys, and the 
others escaped and sank down into the earth. They carried 
the boys away with them, and taught them the language, 
and they were baptized. The name of their mother was 
Yatheldi, and their father, Uvasge. They said that two 
kings ruled over the Skrsellinger's land ; one was named 
Avalldania, and the other, Yalldidia;' that they had no 
houses, but lived in dens and caves. In another part of the 
country, there was a region where the people wore white 
clothes, and shouted loud, and carried poles with flags. This 
they thought to be White-man's land. 

After this they came into Greenland, and passed the 
winter with Leif, son of Eric Red. Biarne Grimolfson 
was carried out into the Greenland^ sea, and came into a 
worm sea, which they did not observe, until their ship 
was full of worm holes. They considered what should 
be done. They had a stern boat, smeared with oil. They 
say that wood covered with oil, the worms will not 
bore. The result of the council was, that as many should 
go into the boat as it would hold. It then appeared 
that the boat would not hold more than one-half of the men- 
Then Biarne ordered that the men should go in the boat by 
lot, and not according to rank. As it would not hold all, 
they accepted the saying, and when the lots were drawn, the 
men went out of the ship into the boat. The lot was, that 
Biarne should go down from the ship to the boat with one- 
half of the men. Then those to whom the lot fell, went 
down from the ship to the boat. When they had come into 
the boat, a young Icelander, who was the companion of 
Biarne, said : " Now thus do you intend to leave me, 
Biarne?" Biarne replied, "That now seems necessary." 
He replied with these words : " Thou art not true to the 
promise made when I left my father's house in Iceland." 



' See ante, p. 135, n. 2. 

^ Also called the Irish sea, and the sea before Vinland. 



America by the Noethmek. 145 

Biarne replied : " In this thing I do not see any other way ; '' 
continuing, " What course can you suggest ? " He said, " I 
see this, that we change places and thou come up here and 
I go down there." Biarne replied : " Let it be so, since I 
see that you are so anxious to live, and are frightened by the 
prospect of death." Then they changed places, and he de- 
scended into the boat with the men, and Biarne went up 
into the ship. It is related that Biarne, and the sailors with 
him in the ship, perished in the worm sea. Those who went 
in the boat, went on their course until they came to land, 
where they told all these things.^ 

After the next summer, Karlsefne went to Iceland with 
his son Snorre, and he went to his own home at Reikianess. 
The daughter of Snorre, son of Karlsefne, was Hallfrida, 
mother to Bishop Thorlak Runolfson. They had a son 
named Thorbiorn, whose daughter was named Thoruna, 
mother of Bishop Biarne. Thorgeir was the name of the 
other son of Snorre, Karlsefne's sou, father to Ingveld, and 
mother of the first bishop of Brand. And this is the end 
of the history. 

THIKD NARRATIVE. 

That same summer came a ship from Norway to Green- 
land. The man was called Thorfinn Karlsefne who steered 
the ship. He was a son of Thord Hesthofde, a son of 
Snorre Thordarson, from Hofda. Thorfinn Karlsefne was 
a man of great wealth, and was in Brattahlid with Leif 
Ericsson. Soon he fell in love with Gudrid, and courted 
her, and she referred to Leif to answer for her. Afterward 
she was betrothed to him, and their wedding was held the 
same winter. At this time, as before, much was spoken 
about a Yinland voyage ; and both Gudrid and others per- 

^ The first narrative {ante, p. 137) says that they reached 
Dublin. We have suggested that this statement was con- 
fused with the case of Thorhall, who was carried there. 
The statement of this narrative allows us to suppose that the 
survivors reached Greenland. 
19 



146 Pee-Columbiai^ Discovery of 

suaded Karlsefne nrncli to that expedition. Now this ex- 
pedition was resolved upon, and thej got ready a crew of 
sixty men, and five women ;^ and then they made the 
agreement, Karlsefne and his people, that each of them 
should have equal share in what they made of gain. They 
had with them all kinds of cattle,^ having the intention to 
settle in the land, if they could. Karlsefne asked Leif for 
his houses in Yinland, bat he said he would lend them, 
but not give them. Then they put to sea with the ship, 
and came to Leif's houses^ safe, and carried up their goods. 
They soon had in hand a great and good prize, for a whale 
had been driven on shore, both large and excellent.* They 



' This account leaves out Biarne and Thorhall, who evidently 
had two ships. Ante, p. 137. 

2 These could be easily carried, especially as their cattle were 
small. All the early Portuguese expeditions carried their live 
stock with them. See Prince Henry the Navigator. 

^ The different events are here stated with some rapidity, 
and we seem to reach Leif's booths or huts sooner than neces- 
sary. According to the two previous accounts, they did not 
reach the locality of Leif's booths until the summer after they 
found the whale . These booths, it would appear, were at Mt. 
Hope Bay. This is either the result of confusion in the mind 
of the writer, or else it is founded on the fact that Leif erected 
habitations at hoth places. In the first two accounts of Thor- 
finn Karlsefne's expedition, Leif's booths are not alluded to. 
There may be no real contradiction after all. 

''The other accounts say that the whale made them sick; 
but that was not because the flesh of the whale was spoiled. 
Beamish, in his translation of the song of Thorhall, indeed 
makes that disagreeable pagan tell his comrades, that, if they 
wish, they 

" Fetid whales may boil 
Here on Furdustrand 
Far from Fatherland; " 

but there is nothing in the text to throw suspicion upon the 
whale. The trouble was, perhaps, that a sudden overfeeding 



America by the Northmen". 147 

went to it and cut it up, and had no want of food. Their 
cattle went up into the land; but soon they were unruly, 
and gave trouble to them. They had one bull with them. 
Karlsefne let wood be felled and hewed for shipping it, and 
had it laid on a rock to dry . They had all the good of the 
products of the land, which were these : both grapes and 
wood, and other products. After that first winter, and when 
summer came [A. D. 1008], they were aware of Skrsellings 
being there ; and a great troop of men came out of the woods. 
The cattle were near to them, and the bull began to bellow 
and roar very loud. With that the Skrsellings were fright- 
ened, and made off with their bundles,— and these were of 
furs and sables and aU sorts of skins ; and they turned and 
wanted to go into the houses, but Karlsefne defended the 
doors. Neither party understood the language of the other. 
Then the Skrsellings took their bundles and opened them, 
and wanted to have weapons in exchange for them, but 
Karlsefne forbade his men to sell weapons. Kext he 
adopted this plan with them, that he told the women to 
bear out milk and dairy products to them. When they saw 
these things, they would buy them and nothing else.^ Now 



caused nausea, and the whale was thrown away after- 
ward in religious disgust. Yet the event is out of its chron- 
ological order, and properly belongs in the account of tlie 
next year, and gives only ih.Q favorable aspect of the case. 

' The second narrative makes no mention of the barter, 
while the first speaks of the anxiety of the natives to secure 
red cloth {ante, p. 129). But this reference is perfectly con- 
sistent with the first, the red cloth being exhausted, as appears 
from the statement. Then, naturally, though it is not men- 
tioned in the first account, the Northmen resorted to their 
dairy products, which the natives, having no cattle, and not 
knowing of such things, received with avidity. One writer 
was thus more interested in the dairy, while the other was 
struck by what had been told him respecting barter in red 
cloth. Th us, wherever we turn in the Sagas, we find the state- 
ments agreeing with one another at unexpected points, and suj)- 



148 Pke-Oolumbian Discovery of 

the trade for the Skrselhngs was such, that they carried 
away their winnings in their stomachs ; and Karlsef ne and 
his comrades got both their bags and skin goods, and so 
they went away. Next it is to be told, that Karlsefne let a 
good strong fence be made around the habitation, and 
strengthened it for defense.i At this time Giidrid,^ Karl- 
sefne's wife, lay in of a male child, and the child was called 
Snorre. In the beginning of the next winter, came the 
Skrsellings again to them, and in much greater numbers 
than before, and with the same kind of wares. Then said 
Karlsefne to the women, "Now ye shall carry out the same 
kind of food as was best liked the last time, and nothing 
else. Then they saw that they threw their bundles in over 
the fence, while Gudrid sat in the door within, by the cra- 
dle of Snorre, her son. There came a shadow to the door, 
and a woman went in with a black kirtle on, rather short, 
with a snood around her head ; clear, yellow hair ; pale, with 
large eyes, so large that none ever saw such eyes in a human 
head. She went to where Gudrid was sitting, and said : 
" What art thou called ? " "I am called Gudrid ; and 
what art thou called ? " "I am called Gudrid," said she. 
Then the goodwife, Gudrid, put out her hand to her, that 
she might sit down beside her. At the same time Gudrid 



plementing one another, showing that there was a full and true 
story of which each, with some slight differences, gave a part. 
We repeat again, that this is the line on which the Sagas 
should be studied. This internal evidence has been neg- 
lected. 

' Possibly all evidences of this defense may have disappeared, 
yet it is not improbable that such remains may yet be discov- 
ered on Mount Hope Bay or in regions on the Massachusetts 
and Maine coasts. Possibly camps of the Is'orthmen were 
utilized by the Indians. 

■' This event belongs to the previous year. These facts are 
not given in the other accounts, the writer appearing to have 
different information. 



America by the Northmejst. 149 

heard a great noise, and the woman had vanished.^ 
At the same time one of the Skrsellings was killed by- 
one of Karlsefne's house men, because he was about to 
take one of their w^eapons ; and they made off as soon as 
possible, leaving behind them goods and clothes. No one 
had seen this woman but Gudrid. "Now," says Karlsefne, 
" we must be cautious, and take counsel; for I think they 
will come the third time with hostility and many people. 
We shall now take the plan, that ten men go out to the 
ness and show themselves there, and the rest of our men 
shall go into the woods and make a clearance for our cattle 
against the time the enemy comes out of the forest ; and we 
shall take the bull before us, and let him go in front." So 
it happened, that at the place where they were to meet, 
there was a lake on the one side, and the forest on the other. 
The plan which Karlsefne had laid down was adopted. The 
Skrsellings came to the place where Karlsefne proposed to 
fight ; and there was a battle there, and many of the Skrsel- 
lings fell. There was one stout, handsome man among the 
Skrselling people, and Karlsefne thought that he must be 
their chief. One of the Skrsellings had taken up an axe and 
looked at it a while, and wielded it against one of his com- 
rades and cut him down, so that he fell dead instantly. Then 
the stout man took the axe,^ looked at it awhile, and threw 
it into the sea as far as he could. They then fled to the 
woods as fast as possible, and so ended the tight. Karl- 
sefne stayed there with his men the whole winter ; but to- 
ward spring he made known that he would not stay there 



'This is another somewhat marvelous occurrence, similar to 
those with which Cotton Mather and others were accustomed 
to embellish New England history. It does not explain it- 
self. 

^ For the previous versions of this affair of the axe, seep. 131. 
This last account appears a little plainer, but is in agreement 
with the first narrative, and also shows that Karlsefne had a 
plan of campaign. 



150 Pke-Columbian Discoveky of 

any longer, and would return to Greenland.^ I^ow they 
prepared for their voyage and took much goods from thence 
— vines, grapes and skin wares. They put to sea, and their 
ship came to Ericsfiord, and they there passed the winter. 

The following summer^ [A. D. 1011], Karlsefne went to 
Iceland and Gudrid with him, and he went home to Reiki- 
aness. His mother felt that he had made a poor match, 
and for this reason Gudrid was not at home the first winter. 
But when she saw that Gudrid was a noble woman, she went 
home, and they got on well together. Halfrid was the 
daughter of Snorre Karlsefneson, mother to Bishop Thor- 
lak Runolfson. Their son was named Thorbiorn, and his 
daughter, Thoruna, mother to Bishop Biorne. Thorgeir 
was the son of Snorre Karlsefneson, father to Ingveld, 
mother of the first Bishop Brand. Snorre Karlsefneson 
had a daughter, Steinun, who married Einar, son of Grun- 
darketil, son of Thorvald Krok, the son of Thorer, of Espi- 
hol ; their son was Thorstein Rauglatr. He was father to 
Gudrun, who married Jorund of Keldum. Halla was their 



' It is true that he decided to leave the country, but he did 
not carry out his intention until the following year, 1010. 
This narrative skips over all the events of the third year. It 
is nevertheless given, in order that the reader may have the 
fullest possible knowledge of any shortcomings that may exist 
in the manuscripts. This is done with the more confidence, 
for the reason that there is no doubt but that all the narra- 
tives contain a broad substratum of solid historical facts which 
there should be no difficulty in interpreting. 

* From the statement at the end of the voyage of Freydis 
(see p. 155), we learn that the summer in which he returned 
from Iceland, Karlsefne went to Norway, and from thence 
the following spring to Iceland. This does not conflict with 
the statement in the above narrative, though at first it may 
appear- to. It does not say that he went the following sum- 
mer from Greenland to Iceland, but that on that summer, he 
went to Iceland, which is perfectly true, though poorly stated, 
and his previous voyage to Norway being ignored. 



America by the Northmen. 151 

daughter, and she was mother to Flose, father of Yalgerda, 
who was mother of Herr Erland Sterka, father of Herr 
Hauk, the Lagman,^ Another daughter of Flose was Thor- 
dis, mother of Fru Ingigerd the Rich ; her daughter was 
Fru Hallbera, Abbess of Stad, in Reikianess. Many other 
distinguished men in Iceland are the descendants of Karl- 
sefne and Thurid,^ who are not here mentioned. God be 
with us. Amen.^ 



YIIL THE YOYAGE OF FREYDIS, HELGE AND 
FINBOGE. 

This narrative is found in Antiquitates AmericanoB, p. 
65. It shows that history, among the Icelanders, was not 
made subservient to family interests, and the truth was told 
without respect to persons. At the conclusion we have a 
(supplementary) notice of Thorfinn and Gudrid, after their 
return to Iceland. 



Now the conversation began again to turn upon a Yin- 
land voyage, as the expedition was both gainful and honor- 

' Ante, p. 118. 

'^ Eafn says that " Thurid " was another name for Gudrid. 
Ante, p. 121, n. 2. 

^ In view of the facts of the case, the notion that any one 
of these Icelandic characters is to be viewed as mythical, or 
in the category with that of ''Agamemnon," appears simply 
preposterous. The history of the times proves that they are, 
in the truest sense, historical characters. No genealogies, 
apart from the Hebrew records, are better known than those 
of prominent Icelandic families. There can be no reasonable 
doubt cast upon the record which attests the family line of 
Gudrid, the foundation of which was begun in New England, 
furnishing an important part of the Episcopal succession 
in Iceland. The attempt to question the records suggests, in a 
feeble way, the method used to prove that no such person as 
Napoleon Bonaparte ever existed. 



152 Pee-Oolumbian Discovery of 

able. The same summer [A. D. 1010] that Karlsefne re- 
turned from Yinland, a ship arrived in Greenland from 
Norway. Two brothers connnanded the ship, Helge and 
Finboge ; and they remained that winter in Greenland. 
The brothers were of Icelandic descent, from Earlfiord. It 
is now to be told, that Freydis, Eric's daughter, came home 
from Garda,^ and went to the abode of Finboge and Helge, 
and proposed to them that they should go to Vinland with 
their vessel, and have half with her of all the goods they 
could get there. They agreed to this. Then she went to 
the abode of her brother Leif, and asked him to give her 
the houses he had built in Yinland. He answered as be- 
fore, that he would lend, but not give the houses.^ It was 
agreed upon between the brothers and Freydis, that each 
should have thirty fighting men, besides women. But 
Freydis broke this, and had five men more, and concealed 
them. The brothers knew nothing of it until they arrived 
in Vinland.^ They went to sea, and had agreed beforehand 
to sail in company, if they could do so. The difference 
was little, although the brothers came a little earlier, and 
had carried up their baggage to Leif's houses. When Frey- 
dis came to the land, her people cleared the ship, and carried 
her baggage also up to the house. Then said Freydis : 
" Why are you carrying your things in here?" "Because 
we thought," said they, " that the whole of the agreement 
with ns should be held." She said, " Leif lent the houses 
to me, not to you." Then said Helge, " In evil, we brothers 
cannot strive with thee : " and bore out their luggage and 
made a shed, and built it farther from the sea, on the borders 



^ Garda was the Episcopal seat of Greenland. Freydis and 
her husband went to Vinland with Karlsefne. It was she 
who frightened the Skrgellings. 

^ It would appear from this that the buildings were of a 
durable character. 

^ It appears that the route to Vinland had become so well 
known, that the Saga writers no longer thought it necessary 
to describe it. 



Amebic A by the NoBTHME]sr. 153 

of a lake/ and set all about it in order. Freydis had trees 
cut down for her ship's cargo. ]S"ow winter set in, and the 
brothers proposed to have some games for amusement to 
pass the time. So it was done for a time, till discord came 
among them, and the games were given up, and none went 
from one house to the other ; and things went on so during 
a great part of the winter. It happened one morning that 
Freydis got out of her berth, and put on her clothes, but 
not her shoes ; and the weather was such that much dew had 
fallen. She took the cloak of her husband over her, and 
went out, and went to the house of the brothers, and to the 
door. A man had gone out a little before and left the door 
beliind him, half shut. She opened the door, and stood in 
the doorway a little, and was silent. Finboge lay the farthest 
inside the hut, and was awake. He said : " What wilt thou 
have here, Freydis ? " She said, " I want thee to get up 
and go out with me, for I would speak with thee." He did 
so ; they went to a tree that was lying under the eaves of 
the hut and sat down. " How dost thou hke this place '{ " 
said she. He said, " The country, methinks, is good, but I 
do not like this quarrel that has arisen among us for I think 
there is no cause for it." " Thou art right," says she, " and 
I think so too, and it is my errand to thy dwelling that I 
want to buy the ship of your brothers as your ship is larger 
than mine and I would break up from hence." " I will let 
it be so," said he, " if that will please thee." Now they 
parted so and she went home, and Finboge to his bed. She 
went up into her berth and with her cold feet awakened 
Thorvard, who asked why she was so cold and wet. She 
answered with great warmth, " I went to these brothers," 
said she, " to treat about their ship, for I want a larger 



^ Mount Hope Bay often appears like a lake. Brereton, in 
his account of Gosnold^s voyage, calls these same bays, lakes. 
He writes: ''From this [Elizabeth] island, we went right 
over to the mayne, where we stood a while as ravished at the 
beautie and dilicacy of the sweetnesse, besides divers cleare 
lakes, whereof we saw no end." 
20 



154 Pbe-Columbian" Discovery of 

ship,^ and they took it so ill that thej struck and abused 
me. And thou, useless man ! will neither avenge my affront 
nor thy own. Now must I feel that I am away from 
Greenland, but I will separate^ from thee if thou dost not 
avenge this." Then he could not bear her reproaches and 
told his men to rise as fast as possible and take their weap- 
ons. They did so and went to the huts of the brothers and 
went in as they lay asleep and seized them all, bound them, 
and led them out bound, one after the other, and Freydis 
had each of them put to death as lie came out. Now all 
the men were killed, but the women were left and nobody 
would kill them. Then said Freydis, " Give me an axe in 
my hand." This was done, and she turned on those five 
women and did not give over until they were all dead. Now 
they returned to their own hut after this evil deed, and the 
people could only observe that Freydis thought she had done 
exceedingly well, and she said to her comrades, " If it be 
our lot to return to Greenland I shall take the life of the 
man who speaks of this affair, and we shall say that we left 
them here when we went away." Now they got ready the 
ship early in spring [A. D. 1011], which had belonged to 
the brothers, with all the goods they could get on that the 
ship would carry, sailed out to sea, and had a good voyage, 
and the ship came early in the summer to Ericsfiord. Karl- 
sefne was there stilP and had his ship ready for sea, but 
waited a wind ; and it was a common saying that never a 
richer ship sailed from Greenland than that which he steered. 
Freydis went home now to her house which had stood with- 
out damage in the meanwhile. She bestowed many gifts on 
her followers that they might conceal her wickedness, and 
she remained now on her farm. All were not so silent 



'Freydis was evidently the principal in most things. 

''By the Icelandic law a woman could separate from her 
husband for a slight cause. 

^According to this statement, the expedition returned very 
early, as Karlsefne went to Norway the same season, as pre- 
viously told. 



Amekica by the Northmen. 155 

about their misdeeds and wickedness that something did not 
come up about it. This came at last to the ears of Leif, her 
brother, and he thought this report was very bad. Leif 
took three men of Freydis's followers and tortured them to 
speak, and they acknowledged the whole affair and their 
tales agreed together. " 1 do not care," says Leif, " to treat 
my sister as she deserves ; but this I will foretell them that 
their posterity will never thrive." So it went that nobody 
thought any thing of them save evil, from that time.^ Now 
we have to say that Karlsefne got ready his ship and sailed 
out to sea.^ He came on well, reached Norway safely, and 
remained there all winter and sold his wares. He and his 
wife were held in esteem by the best people in Norway. In 
the following spring, he fitted out his ship for Iceland, and 
when he was quite ready, and his ship lay outside the pier 
waiting a wind, there came to him a south-country man, 
from Bremen, in Saxon land, who would deal with him for 
his house-bar.^ " I will not sell it," said he. " I will give 
thee half a mark of gold for it," said the south-country 
man. Karlsefne thought it was a good offer, and sold it ac- 
cordingly. The south-country man went away with his 
house-bar, and Karlsefne did not know what wood it was. 
It was massur-wood * from Yinland. Now Karlsefne put to 



' If this transaction had occurred during the previous cen- 
tury, when paganism universally prevailed, this atrocious act 
of the cold-blooded Freydis would have been the prelude to 
almost endless strife. 

^ This account is supplementary to the foregoing and is 
taken from the same work. Karlsefne, of course, sailed from 
Greenland. 

^ Husas7wtru has been translated "house-besom.'' The 
exact meaning is not known. A besom-shaft would be too 
small, however rare the wood, to be made into any thing of 
great value. The bar for securing the house door was as com- 
mon as necessary in every house, and this, perhaps, is what is 
referred to. 

* See note, p. 103. 



156 Pee-Columbiak Discovery of 

sea [A. D. 1012], and his ship came to land north of Skaga- 
fiord,^ and there he put up his vessel for winter. In spring 
he purchased Glambasirland,^ where he took up his abode, 
and dwelt there as long as he lived, and was a man of great 
consideration. Many men are descended from him and his 
wife Gudrid, and it was. a good family. When Karlsefne 
died, Gudrid took the management of his estates, and of 
Snorre, her son, who was born in Yinland. When Snorre 
was married, Gudrid went out of the country, and went to 
he soiith,^ and came back again to Snorre's estate, and he 



' In the north of Iceland. 

' Not far from Skagafiord, in Iceland. 

^ It is understood that she went to Eonie. It may be asked 
why she did not spread the news of her son's voyage in those 
parts of Europe whither she went, and make known the dis- 
covery of the New World. To this it may again be replied, 
that the Icelanders had no idea that they had found a New 
World, and did not appreciate the value of their geographical 
knowledge. Besides, there is nothing to prove that Gudrid, 
and others who went to Europe at this period, did not make 
known the Icelandic discoveries. At that time no interest 
was taken in such subjects, and therefore we have little right 
to expect to find traces of discussion in relation to what, 
among a very small class, would be regarded, at the best, as a 
curious story. See note on Adam of Bremen, p. 104, 7i. 1. That 
some knowledge was possessed by Eomc of the Icelandic voy- 
ages is highly probable, and, possibly, some fragments relating 
to the subject may still exist in the Vatican or some other col- 
lection. That any ancient records relating to the subject are 
known to the Librarians of Rome is rather unlikely, Avhile it 
appears altogether improbable to the author, who has some 
knowledge respecting the condition of the Libraries in Rome, 
that any such knowledge would be suppressed. The Church 
of Rome, as we have already seen {Ante, p. 56), has always 
been prompt to use the Episcopal Icelandic voyages to de- 
monstrate the priority of her occupation in America, while 
the proposition to canonize Columbus has been brusquely 
brushed aside. If there are any records at the Vatican relat- 



America by the NoRTHMEisr. 157 

had built a church at Glamb^e. Afterward Gudrid became 
a nun, and lived a hermit's hfe, and did so as long as she 
lived.^ Snorre had a son called Thorgeir, who was father to 
Bishop Brand's mother, Ingveld. The daughter of Snorre 
Karlsefneson was called Halfrid, She was mother of Ru- 
nolf, the father of Bishop Thorlak. Karlsefne and Gudrid 
also had a son called Biorn. He was father of Thoruna, the 
mother of Bishop Biorn. Many people are descended from 
Karlsefne, and his kin have been lucky ; and Karlsefne has 
given the most particular accounts of all these travels, of 
which something is here related. 

iug to the subject, they will no doubt be found and published. 
Of charts bearing upon the Icelandic discoveries, it is per- 
haps certain that there are none. 

' It will be remembered that all this was foretold by her 
former husband, Thorsteiu Ericson, when life was revived 
in the house of Thorstein Black, in Greenland ; from which 
we must infer that the voyage of Thorstein Ericson was com- 
posed after, or during, the second widowhood of Gudrid, and 
that circumstance, connected with Thorstein's prophecy, 
were in accordance with the spirit of the age, imagined in 
order to meet the circumstances of the case (see p. 115). That 
is to say: Thorstein knew all about his wife's deep religious 
feeling and of her favorable opinion of conventual life, and, 
in his last hours, spoke of the probabilities of the case, as 
many have done before, while some circumstances connected 
with his "prophecy" were magnified, and some things were 
imagined. The entire matter bears the stamp of the age, and 
agrees with many superstitions that found a place in New 
England. Ante, p. 115, oi. 3. 



MINOR KARRATIVES. 



I. ARE MARSON IN HVITRAMANNA-LAND. 

This narrative is from tlie LandnamorboTc^ No. 107. 
Folio ; collated with Hauksbok, Melabok, and other manu- 
scripts, in the Arnoe-MagncBn Collection. 

It has frequently been observed that the Landnama-'boh 
is of the highest historical authority. It proves the fact, 
that Rafn, the Limerick merchant, conveyed the narrative 
relating to Marson, to Iceland from Ireland, where the cir- 
cumstances of his voyage were well known. The Land- 
nama-hok, while it gives a tacit approval of the statements 
of the narrative, does not enter upon the question of the lo- 
cality of the place to which Are Marson went. Therefore, 
while we accept the narrative as genuine history, we should 
exercise due caution in determining the locality of Hvitra- 
manna-land. Nothing is to be gained by making any forced 
deductions from the narrative ; especially as the pre-Colum- 
bian discovery of America is abundantly proved, without 
the aid of this, or any other of the Minor Narratives. 



Illf the Squinter, sou of Hogni the White, took the 
whole of Reikianess between Thorkafiord and Hafrafell ; ^ 
he married Biorg, daughter of Eyvind the Eastman,^ sister 

^ In Iceland the care bestowed upon genealogies is well il- 
lustrated by the pains here taken to give the line of Marson. 
It must be remembered again that Landnama-hok cor- 
responds with the English Doomsday Book, being devoted 
to a matter-of-fact account of the people and their lands in 
Iceland. 

* That is, the Norwegian. 



160 Pre-Columbiak Discovert of 

to Helge the Lean. They had a son named Ath the Red, 
who married Thorbiorg, sister of Steinolf the Humble. 
Their son was named Mar of Ilolum, who married Thor- 
katla, daughter of Hergil Neprass. She had a son named 
Are, who [A. D. 928] was driven by a storm to "White- 
man's land,^ which some call Ireland the Great, which lies 



^ Hvitramanna-land. It will be remembered that in the 
Saga of Thorfinn Karlsefne (p. 135), this land was referred 
to by the Skrgelliug boys whom he took prisoners and brought 
up. They described it as a land inhabited by a people who 
wore white clothes, carried poles before them, and shouted. Yet 
the Saga writer there says no more than that the people thmh 
that this was the place known as Ireland the Great. What 
the Skr£el lings say does not identify it with the land of Are 
Marson; yet, in order to allow Professor Eafn, who held that 
this country was America, the full benefit of his theory, we 
give the following extract from Wafer's Voyage, which shows 
that, in the year 1681, when he visited the Isthmus of Da- 
rien, there were people among the natives who answered 
tolerably well to the description given in Karlsefne's narra- 
tive. Wafer says: " They are white, and there are them of 
both sexes; yet there were few of them in comparison of the 
copper colored, possibly but one, to two or three hundred. 
They differ from the other Indians, chiefly in respect of color, 
though not in that only. Their skins are not of such a 
white, as those of fair people among Europeans, with some 
tincture of a blush or sanguine complexion; neither is their 
complexion like that of our paler people, but 'tis rather a 
milk-white, lighter than the color of any Europeans, and 

much like that of a white horse Their bodies are beset all 

over, more or less, with a fine, short, milk-white down .... 
The men would probably have white bristles for beards, did 
they not prevent them by their custom of plucking the young 

beard up by the roots Their eyebrows are milk-white also, 

and so is the hair of their heads," p. 107. He also adds, that 
" The men have a value for Cloaths, and if any of them had 
an old shirt given him by any of us, he would be sure to wear 
it, and strut about at no ordinary rate. Besides this, they 



America by the Nokthmen. 161 

in the Western ocean opposite Viulaud, six^ days' sail west 
of Ireland. Are was not allowed to go away, and was 



have a sort of long cotton garments of their own, some white, 
and others of a rusty black, shaped like our carter's frocks, 
hanging down to their heels, with a fringe of the same of 
cotton, about a span long, and short, wide, open sleeves, 

reaching but to the middle of their arms They are worn 

on some great occasions When they are assembled, 

they will sometimes walk about the place or plantation where 
they are, with these, their robes on. And once I saw Ta- 
centa thus walking with two or three hundred of these at- 
tending him, as if he was mustering them. And I took no- 
tice that those in the black gowns walked before him, and the 
white after him, each having their lances of the same color 
with their robes.'' These resemblances are at least curious, 
but historians will ask for more solid proof of the identity of 
the two people. 

' Professor Kafn in, what seems to the author, his needless 
anxiety to fix the locality of the White-man's land in America, 
says that, as this part of the manuscript is difficult to deci- 
pher, the original letters 7nay have gotten changed, and vi in- 
serted instead of xx or xi, which numerals would afford time 
for the voyager to reach the coast of America, in the vicinity 
of Florida. Smith, in his Dialogues, has suppressed the term 
six altogether, and substituted " by a number of days' sail un- 
known," This at least is trifling with the subject. In Gron- 
land's Historiske Mindesmmrker, chiefly the work of Finn 
Magnussen, no question is raised on this point. The various 
versions all give the number six, which limits the voyage to 
the vicinity of the Azores. Schoning, to whom we are so 
largely indebted for the best edition of Heimskriugla, lays 
the scene of Marson's adventure at those islands, and suggests 
that they may at that time have covered a larger extent of 
territory than the present, and that they may have suffered 
from earthquakes and floods, adding ''It is likely, and all cir- 
cumstances show, that the said land has been a piece of North 
America." This is a bold, though not very unreasonable 
hypothesis, especially as the volcanic character of the islands 
21 



162 Pre-Columbian Discovery of 

baptized^ there. This was first told by Rafn, the Lime- 
rick trader, who lived for a long time in Ireland. So also 
Thorkel, son of Geller, tells that certain Icelanders said, 

is well known. In 1808, a volcanic mountain rose to the 
height of 3,500 feet. Yet Schoning's suggestion is not needed. 
The fact that the islands were not inhabited when discovered 
by the Portuguese does not, however, settle any thing against 
Schoniug, because, in the course of five hundred years, the 
people might either have migrated, or been swept away by 
pestilence. Grbnland's Histoi'isTce Mindesmmrker (vol. i, p. 
150) says simply, that " It is thought that he (Are Marson) 
ended his days in America, or at all events in one of the 
larger islands of the west. Some think that it was one of the 
Azore islands." Upon the whole, we ourselves believe to the 
contrary. The proper method seems to be that of Rafu, who 
would correct the text. 

' The fact that Are Marson is said to have been baptized in 
Ireland the Great does not prove that the place, wherever lo- 
cated, was inhabited by a colony of Irish Christians. Yet 
this view was urged by Professor Eafn and others, who held 
that Great Ireland was situated in Florida. A Shawanese 
tradition is given to prove that Florida was early settled by 
white men from over the sea. We read that in 1818, " the 
Shawanese were established in Ohio, whither they came from 
Florida. Black Hoof, then eighty-five years old, was born 
there, and remembered bathing in the sea. He told the In- 
3.ian Agent, that the people of his tribe had a tradition, that 
their ancestors came over the sea, and that for a long time 
they kept a yearly sacrifice for their safe arrival." — Archmo- 
logia Americana, vol. i, p. 273. Yet these Indians, the sup- 
posed descendants of eminently pious Christians from Ire- 
laud, were bitterly opposed to Christianity, and had no Chris- 
tian traditions. It is more reasonable, to allow that six, 
should mean eleven or twenty days' sail, notwithstanding 
there is difficulty in finding the white men for the land in 
question. It will be found by the study of the subject of 
complexion in historical narratives that the terms ''white," 
" black " and " red " are used comparatively. See Verrazano 
the Explorer, p. 27. 



America by the Northmen. 163 

who heard Thorfinn, Earl of the Orkneys, say, that Are 
had been seen and known in White-man's land, and that, 
thoneh not allowed to leave, he was held in much honor. 
Are had a wife named Thorgeir, daughter of Alf of Dolum. 
Their sons were Thorgils, Gudleif and Illuge, which is the 
family of Eeikianess. Jorund was the son of Ulf the 
Squinter. He married Thorbiorg Knarrabringa. They 
had a daughter, Thorhild, whom Eric the Red married. 
They had a son, Leif the Fortunate of Greenland. Jorund 
was the name of the son of Atli the Red ; he married 
Thordis, daughter of Thorgeir Suda ; their daughter was 
Thorkatla, who married Thorgils Kollson, Jorund was also 
the father of Snorre.^ 



11. BIORN ASBRANDSON. 

This narrative is taken from Eyrhyggia Saga, which 
contains the early history of that part of Iceland lying 
around Snsefells, on the west coast. The Saga is not of a 
later date than the thirteenth century. It is given here, not 
because it applies largely to the main question under consider- 
ation, the pre-Columbian discovery of America, but rather, 
because it will make the reader fully acquainted with the 
hero, who afterward appears. 

' It will appear from this genealogical account, that Are 
Marson was no obscure or mythological character. In 981 
he was one of the principal men of Iceland^ and is highly 
spoken of. Yet his connection with Ireland the Great, 
though undoubtedly real, \iqx^\j proves, what may neverthe- 
less be true — a pre-Scandinavian discovery of America by 
the Irish. This, not improbable view, demands clearer proof, 
and will repay investigation. The other characters mentioned 
are equally well known. See Antiquitates AmericancB, pp. 
211-12. 



164 PRE-CoLUMBiA]sr Discovery of 

Berk the Fat, and Thordk, daughter of Sur, had a daugh- 
ter named Thurid, who married Thorbiorn the Fat, living 
on the estate of Froda. He was a son of Orne the Lean, 
who held and tilled the farm of Froda. Thorbiorn had be- 
fore been married to Thurid, daughter of Asbrand, of Kamb, 
in Breidavik, and sister of Biorne Breida viking the Athlete, 
soon to be mentioned in this Saga, and of Arnbiorn the 
Handj. The sons of Thorbiorn and Thurid were Ketil the 
Champion, Gunnlaug and Hallstein. 

ISlow this must be related of Snorre the Priest,^ that he 
undertook the suit for the slaying of Thorbiorn, his kins- 
man. He also caused his sister to remove to his own home, 
at Helgefell, because it was reported that Biorn Asbrand, 
of Kamb, had come to pay her improper attention. 

There was a man named Thorodd, of Medalfells Strand, 
an upright man and a good merchant. He owned a trading 
vessel in which he sailed to distant lands. Thorodd had 
sailed to the west,^ to Dublin, on a trading voyage. At 
that time, Sigurd^ Hlodversbn, Earl of the Orkneys, had 
made an expedition toward the west, to the Hebrides and 
the Man, and had laid a tribute upon the habitable part of 
Man.* Having settled the peace, he left men to collect the 



1 Priest or Gode. This was the heathen priest of Iceland, 
whose duty was to provide the temple offerings, for which pur- 
pose a contribution was made by every farm in the vicinity. 
This office was also united with that of chief judge and advo- 
cate, and for the cases conducted by him at the Thing, he re- 
ceived the customary fees; yet he was obliged to depend for 
his support, mainly, upon the products of his farm. The of- 
fice was hereditary, but could be sold, assigned, or forfeited, 
though men of character and ability, could, independently of 
such means, establish themselves in the priesthood. 

2 Ireland was regarded as the "west," the people being ac- 
customed to use this expression. 

8 Killed in Ireland in a battle, 1013. 

* Probably the present " Isle of Man," which still retains 
" Manx " law. 



America by the Northmen". 165 

tribute ; the earl himself returned to the Orkneys. Those 
who were left to collect tlie tribute, got all ready and set 
sail with a south-west wind. But after they had sailed some 
time, to the south-east and east, a great storm arose, which 
drove them to the northward as far as Ireland, and their 
vessel vvas cast away on a barren, uninhabited island. Just 
as they reached the island, Thorodd the Icelander came sail- 
ing by from Dublin. The shipwrecked men begged for aid. 
Thorodd put out a boat and went to them himself. When 
he reached them, the agents of Sigurd promised him money 
if he would carry them to their home in the Orkneys. 
When he told them that he could by no means do so, as he 
had made all ready to go back to Iceland, they begged the 
harder, believing that neither their money nor their liberty 
would be safe in Ireland or the Hebrides, whither they had 
just before been with a hostile army. At length Thorodd 
came to this, that he would sell them his ship's long-boat for 
a large sum of the tribute money ; in this they reached the 
Orkneys, and Thorodd sailed to Iceland without a boat. 
Having reached the southern shores of the island, he laid 
his course along the coast to the westward, and entered 
Breidafiord, and came to the harbor at Dogurdarness. The 
same autumn he went to Helgefell to spend the winter with 
Snorre the Priest, and from that time he was called Thorodd 
the Tribute Taker. This took place just after the murder 
of Thorbiorn the Fat. During the same winter Thurid, the 
sister of Snorre the Priest, who had been the wife of Thor- 
biorn the Fat, was at Helgefell. Thorodd made proposals 
of marriage to Snorre the Priest, with respect to Thurid. 
Being rich and known by Snorre to be of good repute and 
that he would be useful in supporting his administration of 
affairs, he consented. Therefore their marriage was cele- 
brated during this winter at Snorre's house, at Helgefell. 
In the following spring Thorodd set himself up at Froda 
and was thought an upright man. But when Thurid went 
to Froda, Bidrn Asbrandson often paid her visits, and it was 
commonly reported that he had corrupted her chastity. 



166 PRE-CoLUMBiA]sr Discovery of 

Thorodd vainly tried to put an end to these visits. At that 
time Thorodd Wooden Clog hved at Arnahval. His sons, 
Ord and Yal, were men grown and youths of the greatest 
promise. The men blamed Thorodd for allowing himself 
to be insulted so greatly by Biorn, and offered him their aid 
if desired, to end his coming. It chanced one time when 
Biorn came to Froda, that he sat with Thurid talking. It 
was Thorodd's custom when Biorn was there to sit in the 
house. But he was now nowhere to be seen. Then Thurid 
said, " Take care, Biorn, for I fear Thorodd means to put 
a stop to your visits here ; I think he has secured the road 
and means to attack you and overpower you with unequal 
numbers." Biorn rephed, " That is possible," and then 
sang these verses : 

O Goddess' whom bracelet adorns, 
This day (I linger 
In my beloved's arms) 
Stay longest in the heavens, 
As we both must wish; 
For I this night am drawn 
To drink myself the parentals' 
Of my oft-departing joys. 

Having done this, Biorn took his weapons and went to 
return home. As he went up the hill Digramula five men 
jumped out upon him from their hiding place. These were 
Thorodd and two of his men, and the sons of Thoror 
Wooden Clog. They attacked Biorn, but he defended him- 
self bravely and well. The sons of Thoror pressed him 
sharply, but he slew them both. Thorodd then fled with 
his men, though he himself had only a slight wound, and 
the others not any. Biorn went on until he reached home 
and entered the house. The lady of the house^ ordered a 
maid to place food before him. When the maid came into 

' Literally, tuoman, with reference to Jord, the Earth, one 
of the wives of Odin, and also mother of Thor. 
* Funeral cups. 
' Biorn's mother. 



America by the Northmen. 167 

the room with the light and saw Biorn wounded, she went 
and told Asbrand his father that Biorn had returned covered 
with blood. Asbrand came into the room and inquired what 
was the cause of his wounds. He said, " Have jou and 
Thorodd had a fight ? " Biorn replied that it was so. As- 
brand asked how the affair ended. Biorn replied with these 
verses : 

Not so easy against a brave man 

It is to figlit; 

(Wooden Clog's two sons 

Now I have slain). 

As for the ship's commander, 

A woman to embrace, 

Or for the cowardly, 

A golden tribute to buy.' 

Asbrand bound up his son's wounds, and his strength was 
soon restored. Thorodd went to Snorre the Priest, to talk 
with him about setting a suit on foot against Biorn, on ac- 
count of the killing of Thoror's sons. This suit was held 
in the court of Thorsnestliing. It was settled that Asbrand, 
who became surety for his son, should pav the usual fines. 
Biorn was exiled for three years,^ and went abroad the same 
summer. During that summer, a son was born to Thurid 
who was called Kiarten. He grew up at home in Froda, 
and early gave great hope and promise. 

When Biorn crossed the sea he came into Denmark, and 
went thence to Jorasberg. At that time Palnatoki was cap- 
tain of the Jomsberg^ Vikings. Biorn was admitted into 



' This is a fling at Thorodd the Tribute Taker. 

^This shows, that while Biorn killed the men in self-de- 
fense, it was the opinion of the court that he did not get 
what he deserved. 

' Jomsberg was the head-quarters of an order of vikings or 
pirates, where a castle was also built by King Harold Blaat- 
and of Denmark. It was situated on one of the outlets of the 
Oder, on the coast of Pomerania, and was probably identical 
with Julian, founded by the Wends, being recognized as the 
island of Wallin, which Adam of Bremen, in the eleventh 



168 Pke-Columbian Discovery of 

the crew, and won the name of the Athlete. He was at 
Jomsberg when Styrbiorn the Hardy assaulted it. He went 
into Sweden, when the Jomsberg Vikings aided Stjrbiorn ;^ 
he was in the battle of Tynsvall, in which Styrbiorn was 
killed, and escaped with the other Jomsvikings into the 
woods. While Palnatoki lived, Biorn remained with him, 
distinguished among all, as a man of remarkable courage. 



century, described as the largest and most flourishing com- 
mercial city in Europe. Burislaus, king of the Wends, sur- 
rendered the neighboring territory into the hands of Palna- 
toki, a great chief of Fionia, who was pledged to his support. 
Accordingly he built a stronghold here, and organized a band 
of pirates, commonly called vikings, though it must be ob- 
served, that while every viking was a pirate, every pirate was 
not a viking. Only those pirates of princely blood were 
properly called vikings, or sea-kings, who haunted the vicks, 
or bays, and thus derived their name. The Jomsvikings 
were distinguished for their rare courage, and for the fear- 
lessness with which they faced death. They were governed 
by strict laws, hedged about by exact requirements, and were 
also, it is said, pledged to celibacy. Jomsberg was destroyed 
about the year 1175, by Waldemar the Great, of Denmark, 
aided by the Princes of Germany and the King of Barba- 
rossa. Those of the pirates who survived, escaped to a place 
near the mouth of the Elbe, where a few years after, they 
were annihilated by the Danes, who in the reign of Canute 
VI completely destroyed their stronghold. Accounts of their 
achievements may be found in the Saga of King Olaf Tryg- 
gvesson (vol. i of Laing's Heimskringla). The Icelanders 
sometimes joined the Norway pirates, as was the case with 
Biorn, but they did not send out pirate ships from Icelandic 
ports. Palnatoki died in the year 993. 

^ Styrbiorn, son of King Olaf, ruled Sweden in connection 
with Eric, called the Victorious. Styrbiorn's ambition, to 
which was added the crime of murder, led to his disgrace. 
He joined the vikings, adding sixty ships to their force. He 
was killed, as stated, in 984, in a battle with his uncle near 
Upsula. 



America by the Northmeist. 169 

The same summer [A. D. 996], tlie brothers, Biorn and 
Arnbiorn returned into Iceland to Ronhavnsos. Biorn was 
always afterward called the Athlete of Breidavik. Arnbiorn, 
who had gotten much wealth abroad, bought the Bakka 
estate in Raunhavn, the same summer. He lived there with 
little show or ostentation, and, in most affairs, was silent, 
but was, nevertheless, a man active in all things. Biorn, 
his brother, after his return from abroad, lived in splendor 
and elegance, for during his absence, he had truly adopted 
the manners of courtiers. He much excelled Arnbiorn 
in personal appearance, and was none the less active in 
execution. He was far more expert than his brother in 
martial exercises, having improved much abroad. The 
same summer, after his return, there was a general meet- 
ing near Headbrink,^ within the bay of Froda. All the 
merchants rode thither, clothed in colored garments, and 
there was a great assembly. Housewife Thurid of Froda, 
was there, with whom Biorn began to talk ; no one censur- 
ing, because they expected their conversation would be long, 
as they had not seen each other for a great while. On the 
same day there was a fight, and one of the Nordenfield men 
was mortally wounded, and was carried down under a bush on 
the beach. So much blood flowed out of the wound that there 
was a large pool of blood in the bush. The boy Kiarten, 
Thurid of Froda's son, was there. He had a little axe in 
his hand, and ran to the bush and dipped the axe in the 
blood. When the Sondensfield's men rode from the beach 
south, Thord Blib asked Biorn how the conversation be- 
tween him and Thurid of Froda ended. Biorn said that he 
was well satisfied. Then Thord asked if he had seen the 
boy Kiarten, their and Thorodd's son. " I saw him," said 
Biorn. " What is your opinion of him ? " asked Thord. 
Biorn answered with the following song : 



' Dasent says in describing the coast : '' Now we near the 
stupendous crags, of Hofclabrekka, Headbrink, where the 
mountains almost stride into the main.'' 
22 



170 Pre-Oolumbian" Discovert of 

' ' I saw a boy run 
"With fearful eyes, 
The woman's image, to 
The wolf's well ' in the wood; 
People will say, 
That his true father [was] 
He that ploughed the sea, 
This the boy does not know." 

Thord said : " What will Thorodd say when he hears 
that the boy belongs to you ? " Then Biorn snug : 

" Then will the noble born woman [make] 
Thorodd's suspicion 
Come true, when she gives me 
The same kind of sons: 
Always the slender. 
Snow-white woman loved me, 
I still to her 
Am a lover." 

Thord said, it will be best for yon not to have any thing 
to do with each other, and that you turn your thoughts. 
" It is certainly a good idea," said Biorn, " but it is far from 
my intention ; though there is some difference when I have 
to do with such men as her brother Snorre." " You must 
take care of your own business," said Thord, and that ended 
their talk. Biorn afterward went home to Kamb, and took 
the affairs of the family into his own hands, for his father 
was now dead. The following winter he determined to 
make a journey over the hills, to Thurid. Although Tho- 
rodd disliked this, he nevertheless saw that it was not easy 
to prevent its occurrence, since before he was defeated by 
him, and Biorn was much stronger, and more skilled in 
arms than before. Therefore he bribed Thorgrim Galdra- 
kin to raise a snow storm against Biorn when he crossed the 
hills. When a day came, Biorn made a journey to Froda. 
When he proposed to return home, the sky was dark and the 
snow-storm began. When he ascended the hills, the cold 
became intense, and the snow fell so thickly that he could 



Keferring to the dead man's blood. 



America by the Northmen". 171 

not see his way. Soon the strength of the storm increased 
so much that he could hardly walk. His clothes, already 
wet through, froze around his body, and he wandered, he 
did not know where. In the course of the night he reached 
a cave, and in this cold house he passed the night. Then 
Biorn sung : 

" Woman that bringest 
Vestments,' would 
Not like my 

Dwelling in such a storm 
If she knew that 
He who had before steered ships, 
Now in the rock cave 
Lay stiff and cold." 

Again he sang : 

" The cold field of the swans, 
From the east with loaded ship I ploughed, 
Because the woman inspired me with love; 
I know that I have great trouble suffered, 
And now, for a time, the hero is 
Not in a woman's bed, but in a cave." 

Biorn stayed three days in the cave, before the storm sub- 
sided ; and on the fourth day he came home from the 
mountain to Kamb. He was very weary. The servant 
asked him where he was during the storm, Biorn sung : 

" My deeds under 
Styrbiorn's proud banner are known. 
It came about that steel-clad Eric 
Slew men in battle; 
Now I on the wide heath. 
Lost my way [and], 
Could not in the witch-strong 
Storm, find the road."^ 



^ In Iceland the women are accustomed to bring travelers 
dry clothes. 

^ All of these verses are extremely obscure and elliptical, 
though far more intelligible to the modern mind than the 
compositions which belonged to a still older period. All the 



172 Pke-Columbian" Discovery of 

Biorn passed the rest of the winter at home ; the following 
spring his brother Arnbiorn fixed his abode in Bakka, in 
Raunhafn, but Biorn lived at Kamb, and had a grand 
house. . . . 

This same summer, Thorodd the Tribute Taker invited 
Snorre the Priest, his kinsman, to a feast at his house in 
Froda. Snorre went there with twenty men. In the 
coiu-so of the feast, Thorodd told Snorre how much he was 
hurt and disgraced by the visits of Biorn Asbrandson, to 
Thurid, his wife, Snorre's sister, saying that it was right for 
Snorre to do away with this scandal. Snorre after passing 
some days feasting with Thorodd went home with many 
presents. Then Snorre the Priest rode over the liills and 
spread the report that he was going down to his ship in the 
bay of Raunhafn. This happened in summer, in the time 
of haymaking. When he had gone as far south as the Kam- 
bian hills, Snorre said : " Now let us ride back from the hills 
to Kamb ; let it be known to you," he added, " what I wish 
to do. I have resolved to attack and destroy Biorn. But I 
am not willing to attack and destroy him in his house, for it 
is a strong one, and Biorn is stout and active, while our num- 
ber is small. Even those who with greater numbers, have 
attacked brave men in their houses, have fared badly, an ex- 
ample of which you know in the case of Gissur the White ; 
who, when with eighty men, they attacked Gunnar' of 
Lithend, alone in his house, many were wounded and many 
were killed, and they would have been compelled to give up 
the attack, if Geir the Priest had not learned that Gunnar 
was short of arrows. Therefore," said he, "as we may ex- 
pect to find Biorn out of doors, it being the time of haymak- 
ing, I appoint you my kinsman, Mar, to give him the first 
wound ; but I would have you know this, that there is no 



chief men of Iceland practiced the composition of verse. 
Chaucer makes his parson apologize for his inability to imi- 
tate the practice. It was believed that certain women had 
power over storms. 

' See the Saga of *' Burnt Nial" translated by Dasent. 



America by the Northmen. 173 

room for child's play, and you must expect a contest with 
a hungry wolf, unless your first wound shall be his death 
blow." As they rode from the hills toward his homestead, 
they saw Biorn in the fields; he was making a sledge,' 
and no one was near him. He had no weapon but a small 
axe, and a large knife in his hand of a span's length, which 
he used to round the holes in the sledge. Biorn saw Snorre 
riding down from the hills, and recognized him. Snorre 
the Priest had cm a blue cloak, and rode first. The idea 
suddenly occurred to Biorn, that he ought to take his knife 
and go as fast as he could to meet them, and as soon as he 
reached them, lay hold of the sleeve of Snorre with one 
hand, and hold the knife in the other, so that he might be 
able to pierce Snorre to the heart, if he saw that his own 
safety required it. Going to meet them, Biorn gave them 
hail, and Snorre returned the salute. The hands of Mar 
fell, for he saw that if he attacked Biorn, the latter would 
at once kill Snorre. Then Biorn walked along with Snorre 
and his comrades, asked what was the news, keeping his 
hands as at first. Then he said : " I will not try to conceal, 
neighbor Snorre, that my present attitude and look seem 
threatening to you, which might appear wrong, but for that 
I have understood that your coming is hostile. Now I de- 
sire that if you have any business to transact with me, you 
will take another course than the one you intended, and 
that you will transact it openly. If none, I will that you 
make peace, which when done, I will return to my work, as 
I do not wish to be led about like a fool." Snorre replied : 
" Our meeting has so turned out that we shall at this time 
part in the same peace as before ; but I desire to get a pledge 
from you, that from this time you will leave off visiting 
Thurid, because if you go on in this, there can never be any 
real friendship between us." Biorn replied : " This I will 
promise, and will keep it ; but I do not know how 1 shall 



' These sledges were used in drawing hay, as the roads were 
then, as now, too poor for carts. 



174 Pbe-Columbian Discovery of 

be able to keep it, so long as Thurid and I live in the same 
land." " There is nothing so great binding you here," said 
Snorre, " as to keep you from going to some other land." 
" What you now say is true," replied Biorn, " and so let it 
be, and let our meeting end with this pledge, that neither 
you nor Thorodd shall have any trouble from my visits to 
Thurid, in the next year." With this they parted. Snorre 
the Priest rode down to his ship, and then went home to 
Helgefell. The day after, Biorn rode south to Kaunhafn, 
and engaged his passage in a ship for the same summer [A. 
D. 999]. When all was ready they set sail with a north- 
east wind which blew during the greater part of that sum- 
mer. I^othing was heard of the fate of the ship for a very 
long time.^ 



III. GUDLEIF GUDLAUGSOK 

This narrative, which shows what became of Biorn As- 
brandson, whose adventures are partially related in the pre- 
vious sketch, is from the Eyrbyggia Saga. JS^otwithstanding 
the somewhat romantic character of these two narratives, 
there can be no doubt but that, in the main, they are true 
histories. Yet that they relate to events in America, is not, 
perhaps, altogether so certain. 



There was a man named Gudleif, the son of Gudlaug the 
Kich, of Straumfiord and brother of Thorfinn, from whom 



'■ This is the only paragraph which applies directly to the 
subject in hand. The following narrative will bring Biorn to 
notice again. Note, however, that the north-east veind, long 
continued, would drive a ship toward the south-west, which, 
as we shall see, was the case with the ship in which Biorn 
sailed. This forms a curious and unexpected agreement with 
what follows. 



America by the Northmen". 175 

the Starlingers are descended. Gudleif was a great mer- 
chant. He had a trading vessel, and Thorolf Eyrar Loptson 
had another, when they fought with Gyrid, son of Sigvald 
Earl. Gyrid lost an eye in that fight. It happened near 
the end of the reign of King Olaf the Saint, that Gudleif 
went on a trading voyage to the west of Dublin. On 
his return to Iceland, sailing from the west of Ireland, he 
met with north-east winds, and was driven far into the ocean 
west, and south-west, so that no land was seen, the summer 
being now nearly gone. Many prayers were offered that 
they might escape from the sea. At length they saw land. 
It was of great extent, but they did not know what land it 
was. They took counsel and resolved to make for the land, 
thinking it unwise to contend w^itli the violence of the sea. 
They found a good harbor, and soon after went ashore. A 
number of men came down to them. They did not recog- 
nize the people, but thought that their language resembled 
the Irish. ^ In a short time such a number of men had 
gathered around them as numbered many hundred. These 
attacked them and bound them all and drove them inland. 
Afterward they were brought before an assembly, and it 
was considered what should be done with them. They 
thought that some wished to kill them, and that others were 
for dividing them among the villages as slaves. While this 
was going on, they saw a great number of men riding^ toward 
them with a banner lifted up, whence they inferred that 
some great man was among them. When the company 
drew near, they saw a man riding under the banner. He 

' Few will infer much from this, since nothing is easier than 
to find resemblances between languages. 

^The language may indicate that they were horseback, 
though it is not conclusive. At the period referred to, there 
may have been no horses in America. They were introduced 
by the Spaniards, after the discovery by Columbus. At least, 
such is the common opinion. This statement is made without 
reference to the proofs offered of the existence of the horse at 
an earlier period, the remains of which are said to be found. 



176 Pee-Columbian" Discovery of 

was tall and had a martial air, and was aged and grayliaired. 
All present treated this man with the utmost honor and 
deference. They soon saw that their case was referred to 
his decision. He commanded Gndleif and his comrades to 
be brought before him. Coming into his presence, he ad- 
dressed them in the Northern tongue, and asked what land 
thej came from. They replied that the chief part were 
Icelanders. The man asked which of them were Icelanders. 
Gudleif declared himself to be an Icelander, and saluted 
the old man, which he received kindly, and asked what part 
of Iceland he came from. He replied that he came from 
the district some called Bogafiord. He asked who lived in 
Bogafiord, to which Gudleif replied at some length. After- 
ward this man inquired particularly about all the principal 
men of Bogafiord and Breidafiord. He inquired with special 
interest into every thing relating to Snorre the Priest, and 
to his sister Thurid, of Froda, and for the great Kiarten, 
her son. In the meanwhile the natives grew impatient 
about the disposition of the sailors. Then the great man 
left him, and took twelve of the natives apart, and conferred 
with them. Afterward he returned. Then the old man 
spoke to Gudleif and his comrades and said : " We have had 
some debate concerning you, and the people have left the 
matter to my decision ; I now permit you to go where you 
will, and although summer is nearly gone, I advise you to 
leave at once. These people are of bad faith, and hard to 
deal with, and now think they have been deprived of their 
right." Then Gudleif asked, " ^sYho shall we say, if we 
reach our own country again, to have given us our liberty ? " 
He replied : " That I will not tell you, for I am not wilhng 
that any of my friends or kindred should come here, and 
meet with such a fate as you would have met, but for me. 
Age now comes on so fast, that I may almost expect any hour 
to be my last. Though I may live some time longer, there are 
other men of greater influence than myself, now at some dis- 
tance from this place, and these would not grant safety or 
peace to any strange men." Then he looked to the fitting out 



Ameeica by the Northmen. 177 

of their ship, and stayed at this place until a fair wind sprang 
up, so that they might leave the port. Before they went 
away, this man took a gold ring from his hand and gave 
it to Gudleif, and also a good sword. Then he said to 
Gudleif : "If fortune permits you to reach Iceland, give 
this sword to Kiarten, hero of Froda, and this ring to 
Tlmrid, his mother." Gudleif asked, "Who shall I say 
was the sender of this valuable gift ? " He replied : " Say 
that he sent it who loved the lady of Froda, better than her 
brother, the Priest of Helgafell. Then if any man desires 
to know who sent this valuable gift, repeat my words, that 
I forbid any one to seek me, for it is a dangerous voyage, 
unless others should meet with the same fortune as you. 
This region is large, but has few good ports, and danger 
threatens strangers on all sides from the people, unless it 
shall fall to others as yourselves." After this they separated. 
Gudleif, with his comrades, went to sea, and reached Ireland 
the same autumn, and passed the winter in Dublin. The 
next spring they sailed to Iceland, and Gudleif delivered the 
jewel into the hand of Thurid. It was commonly believed 
that there was no doubt but that the man seen, was Biorn 
Breidaviking Kappa, but there is no other reliable report to 
prove this- 



lY. ALLUSIONS TO VOYAGES FOUND IN 
ANCIENT MANUSCRIPTS. 

Professor Rafn, in Antiquitates Americance, gives brief 
notices of numerous Icelandic voyages to America, and other 
lands to the west, the particulars of which are not recorded. 
The works in which these notices appear are of the 
highest respectability. It is only necessary here to give the 
facts, which have been collected with much care. They 
show that the pre-Columbian discovery of America left 
its recollection scattered throughout nearly the entire body 
23 



178 Pre-Columbiak Discovkry of 

of Icelandic history. The existence of a great land south- 
west of Greenland is referred to, not as a matter of specu- 
lation, but as something perfectly well known. All these 
references combine to furnish indisputable proof of the 
positions maintained in this work, showing as they do, 
beyond all reasonable question, that the impression which 
so generally prevailed in regard to the discovery of this 
land, could not have been the result of a literary fraud. Some 
of the facts are given below : 
1121 . Eric, Bishop of Greenland,^ went to search out Yinland. 

Bishop Eric Upse sought Yinland. 
1285. A new land is discovered west from Iceland. 

Ilfew land is found ^ 

Adalbrand and Thorvald, the sons of Helge, found 
the new land. 

Adalbrand and Thorvald found new land west of Ice- 
land. 

The Feather^ Islands are discovered. 



' This is found in A7inales Islandorum Regii, which gives 
the history of Iceland from the beginning down to 1307. Also 
in Annates Flateyensis, and in Annates Beseniini. Eric was 
appointed Bishop of Greenland, but performed no duties 
after his consecration, and eventually resigned that See, in 
order to undertake the mission to Vinland. He is also spoken 
of in two works as going to Vinland with the title of Bishop 
of Greenland, a title which he had several years before his 
actual consecration. 

^ The manuscript is deficient here, but we must remember 
that Greenland had at this time, 1285, been known and ex- 
plored for three hundred years, and, therefore, that the land 
west of Iceland was beyond Greenland. Otherwise the 
entry would have possessed no significance. 

^ The Feather Islands are mentioned in the Logmanns An- 
nall, or, Annals of the Governors of Iceland, and Annates 
Skathottini, or Annals of the Bishopric of Skalholt, written 
in the middle of the fourteenth century, long before Colum- 
bus went to Iceland. Beamish suggests that these are the 
Penguin and Bacaloa Islands. 



America by the Northmejst. 179 

1288. Kolf is sent by King Eric to search out the new land,^ 

and called on people of Iceland to go with him. 

1289. King Eric sends Kolf to Iceland to seek out the new 

land. 

1290. Rolf traveled through Iceland, and called out men 

for a voyage to the new land. 

1295. Landa-Rolf died. 

1357. There came thirteen large ships to Iceland. Eindride- 
suden was wrecked in East Borgafiord, near Lan- 
geness. The crew and the greater part of the cargo 
were saved. Bessalangen was wrecked outside of 
Sida. Of its crew, Haldor Magre and Gunthorm 
Stale, and nineteen men altogether, were drowned. 
The cargo suffered also. There were also six ships, 
driven back. There came hkewise a ship from 
Greenland,^ smaller than the smallest of Iceland 
ships, that came in the outer bay. It had lost its 
anchor. There were seventeen men on board, who 
had gone to Markland,^ and on their return were 
drifted here. But here altogether that winter, 
were eighteen large ships, besides the two that 
were wrecked in the summer.* 



' *' The notices of Nyja land and Duneyjar, would seem to 
refer to a re-discovery of some parts of the eastern coast of 
America, visited by earlier voyagers. The original appellation 
of Nyjaland, or Nyjafundu-land, would have led naturally to 
the modern English name of Newfoundland, given by Cabot, 
to whose knowledge the discovery would [might] have come 
through the medium of the commercial intercourse between 
England and Iceland in the fifteenth century." Beamish. 
. ^ See the Decline of Greenland, in Introduction. 

^ Markland (Woodland) was ISTova Scotia, as we know from 
the description of Leif and others. These vessels doubtless 
went to get timber. All these accounts show that the 
Western ocean was generally navigated in the middle of the 
fourteenth century. 

* March 12, 1888, the " W. L. White " was abandoned near 



180 Pke-Columbian" Discoveet of 

1357. There came a ship from Greenland that had sailed to 
Markland, and there were eight men on board. 



Y. GEOGKAPHICAL FRAGMENTS. 

The first of these documents is from a work which pro- 
fesses to give a description of the earth in the middle age. 
From this it appears that the Icelanders had a correct idea 
of the location of Vinland in New England, though they 
did not comprehend the fact that they had discovered a new 
Continent. The account is found in Antiquitates Ameri- 
cancB, p. 283. In the appendix of that work may be seen a 
fao simile of the original manuscript. The second account 
is from Antiquitates Americance, p. 292. It was found 
originally in the miscellaneous collection called the Gripla. 
The failure to recognize modern discoveries shows that the 
description is Pre-Columbian. 

A BRIEF DESCKIPTION OF THE WHOLE EARTH. 

The earth is said to be divided into three parts.^ One of 
these is called Asia, and extends from north-east to south- 
west, and occupies the middle of the earth. In the eastern 
part are three separate regions, called Indialand. In the 
farthest India, the Apostle Bartholomew preached the faith ; 
and where he likewise gave up his life (for the name of 
Christ). In the nearest India, the Apostle Thomas preached, 
and there also he suffered death for the cause of God. In 
that part of the earth called Asia, is the city of Nineveh, 
greatest of all cities. It is three days' journey in length and 
one day's journey in breadth. There is also the city of 



Cape May and drifted in a zig-zag course across the Atlantic, 
some 5,050 miles, and brought up in the harbor of Stornoway, 
November 29, following. 

^ This is in accordance with the majDS of that early period, 
some of which, undoubtedly, were before the writer's eye. 



Amekica by the Korthmef. 181 

Babjlon, ancient and very large. There King Nebuchad- 
nezzar formerly reigned, but now that citj is so thoroughly 
destroyed that it is not inhabited by men, on account of 
serpents and all manner of noxious creatures. In Asia is 
Jerusalem, and also Antioch ; in this city Peter the Apostle 
founded an Episcopal seat, and where he, the first of 
all men, sang Mass. Asia Minor is a region of Great 
Asia. There the Apostle John preached, and there also, in 
the city of Ephesus, is his tomb. They say that four rivers 
flow out of Paradise.^ One is called Pison or Ganges ; 
this empties into the sea surrounding the world. Pison 
rises under a mountain called Orcobares. The second 
river flowing from Paradise, is called Tigris, and the third, 
Euphrates. Both empty into the Mediterranean (sea), near 
Antioch. The Nile, also called Geon, is the fourth river 
that runs from Paradise. It separates Asia from Africa, 
and flows through the whole of Egypt.^ In Egypt is New 
Babylon (Cairo), and the city called Alexandria. 

The second part of the earth is called Africa, which ex- 
tends from the south-west to the north-west," There are 
Serkland, and three regions called Blaland (land of black- 
men or negroes). The Mediterranean sea divides Europe 
from Africa. 



^ This is a confused geography, based on Genesis ii, 10-15. 

^ The modern discoveries in connection with the source of 
the Nile are all shown in the maps of Ptolemy, proving 
that the great lakes which serve as feeders were well known 
at a very early period. Still the old northern geographer's 
ideas were confused. 

' This is the way Africa was represented at that early pe- 
riod. That continent had been circumnavigated by Hanno, 
though the maps did not show it, but indicated usually the 
northern part of Africa, which was made to appear longest 
from east to west. This fact, taken with the fact that the wri- 
ter has only a few words to say about Africa, proves that he 
wrote at a very early period, even before the date of pre-Col- 
umbian sketches like those of Era Mauro and Behaim. See 
the Atlases of Lelewell and Santarem. Ante, p. 12. 



182 Pre-Columbian" Discovery of 

Europe is the third part of the earth, extending from 
west and north-west to the north-east. In the east of 
Europe is the kingdom of Russia. There are Holmgard, 
Palteskia and Smalenskia. South of Russia lies the king- 
dom of Greece. Of this kingdom, the chief city is Con- 
stantinople, which our people call Miklagard. In Mikla- 
gard is a church, which the people call St. Sophia, but the 
Northmen call it ^gisif.^ This church exceeds all the 
other churches in the world, both as respects its structure 
and size. Bulgaria and a great many islands, called the 
Greek islands, belong to the kingdom of Greece. Crete 
and Cyprus are the most noted of the Greek islands. Sicily 
is a great kingdom in that part of the earth called Europe. 
Italy is a country south of the great ridge of mountains, 
called by us Mundia [Alps]. In the remotest part of Italy 
is Apulia, called by the Northmen, Pulsland. In the mid- 
dle of Italy is Rome. In the north of Italy is Lombardy, 
which we call Lombardland. ISTorth of the mountains on 
the east, is Germany, and on the south-west is France. 
Hispania, which we call Spainland, is a great kingdom that 
extends south to the Mediterranean, between Lombardy and 
France. The Rhine is a great river that runs north from 
Mundia, between Germany and France. Near the outlets 
of the Rhine is Friesland, northward from the sea. North 
of Germany is Denmark. The ocean runs into the Baltic 
sea, near Denmark. Sweden lies east of Denmark, and 
Norway at the north. North of Norway is Finnmark. 
The coast bends thence to the north-east, and then toward 
the east, until it reaches Permia, which is tributary to 
Russia. From Permia, desert tracts extend to the north, 
reaching as far as Greenland.^ Beyond Greenland, south- 

' The Northmen were familiar with Constantinople. 

^ Greenland appears in Ptolemy as an extension of Nor- 
way but was not placed sufficiently far west, showing that 
the map makers did not fully understand the accounts they 
had received. The Northmen understood that a great isth- 
mus extended from Norway to Greenland, through the high 



America by the Northmejst. 183 

ward, is Helluland ; beyond that is Markland ; from thence 
it is not far to Yinland, which some men are of the opinion 
extends to Africa.' England and Scotland are one island ; 
but each is a separate kingdom. Ireland is a great island. 
Iceland is also a great island north of Ireland. All these 
countries are situated in that part of the world called 
Europe. Next to Denmark is Lesser Sweden ; then is 
Oeland, then Gottland, then Helsingeland, then Yermeland, 
and the two Kvendlands, which lie north of Biarmeland. 
From Biarmeland stretches desert land toward the north, 
until Greenland begins. South of Greenland is Helluland ; 
next is Markland, from thence it is not far to Vinland the 
Good, which some think goes out to Africa ; and if this is 
so, the sea must extend between Vinland and Markland.* 



ice region, making the two lands one ; while Greenland 
extended to Vinland, which in turn went southward and 
turned eastward until it nearly reached Africa. In fact 
South America pushes eastward within 20 degrees of Cape 
Verde, Africa. On the Lenox globe, 1508-9, these two 
points are placed in the same longitude, Africa and South 
America overlapping. So much for the old northern geog- 
raphy. 

' In the face of this and a multitude of similar statements, 
Mr. Bancroft endeavored to make his readers believe that the 
locality of Vinland was uncertain. He might, with equal 
propriety, tell ns that the location of Massachusetts itself was 
uncertain, because, according to the original grant, it ex- 
tended to the Pacific ocean, or that Virginia and Florida 
were uncertain localities, because both at one time included 
Massachusetts. 

^ This writer did not appear to be familiar with the narratives 
of Karlsefne. The writer's argument is not plain, where 
Jie says, "if this is so," etc. ; but as Markland was Nova Sco- 
tia and Vinland was Massachusetts, we may perhaps accept 
this as a recognition of the Gulf of Maine and Massachusetts 
Bay. When, in 1542, Allefonsce reached this region he did 
not know whither the sea extended : ''I have been at a bay 



184 Pee-Columbian Discovekt of 

It is told that Thorfinn Karlsefne cut wood here [in Mark- 
land] to ornament his house/ and went afterward to seek 
out Vinland the Good. He came there where they thought 
the land was, but did not reach it,^ and got none of the 
wealth of the land. Leif the Lucky first discovered Yin- 
land, and then he met some merchants in distress at sea, 
and by God's grace, saved their lives. He introduced Chris- 
tianity into Greenland, and it flourished so much that an 
Episcopal seat was set up in the place called Gardar. Eng- 
land and Scotland are an island, and yet each is a separate 
kingdom. Ireland is a great island. These countries are all 
in that part of the world called Europe. 



FROM GKIPLA. 

Bavaria is bounded by Saxony ; Saxony is bounded by 
Holstein, and next is Denmark. The sea runs between the 
eastern countries. Sweden is east of Denmark. Norway 
is to the north. Fin mark is east of Norway, and from thence 
the land extends to the north-east and east until you come 
to Biarmeland. This land is under tribute to Gardaridge. 
From Biarmeland desert places lie all northward to the land 
which is called Greenland [which, however, the Greenland- 
ers do not aflirm, but believe to have seen it otherwise, both 
from drift timber that is known and cut down by men, and 
also from reindeer which have marks upon their ears, or 
bands upon their horns, likewise from sheep which stray 
here, of which there are some remaining in Norway, for 
one head hangs in Throndheim, and another in Bergen, and 
many others are to be found.]' But there are bays, and the 

as far as forty-two degrees between Norumbega [Markland] 
and Florida [Massachusetts] but I have not seen the end and 
I do not know whether it extends any farther." "The 
Northmen in Maine," p. 94. 

' See ante, p. 155, 7i. 1. 

^ This is erroneous. See Saga of Thorfinn, atite, p. 135. 

'The part inclosed in brackets is an interpolation of a re- 
cent date. 



Ameeica by the Noethmex. 185 

land stretches out toward the south-west ; there are ice 
mountains, and bays, and islands lie out in front of the ice 
mountains ; one of the ice mountains cannot be explored, 
and the other is half a month's sail ; to the third, a week's 
sail. This is nearest to the settlement called Hvidserk. 
Thence the land trends north ; but he who desires to go by 
the settlement steers to the south-west. Gardar, the bishop's 
seat, is at the bottom of Ericsfiord ; there is a church conse- 
crated to holy Nicholas. There are twelve churches in the 
eastern settlement and four in the western. 

Now it should be told what is opposite Greenland, out 
from the bay, which was before named. Furdustrandur^ is 
the name of the land ; the cold is so severe that it is not 
habitable, so far as is known. South from thence is Hellu- 
land, which is called Skraellings land. Thence it is not far 
to Yinland the Good, which some think goes out to Africa.^ 
Between Yinland and Greenland is Ginnungagah, which 
runs from the sea called Mare Oceanum, and surrounds the 
whole earth.^ 



' Not to be confounded with the place of the same name at 
Cape Cod. 

2 This is another passage upon which Bancroft absurdly de- 
pended to prove that the locality of Vinland was unknown, 
when in the Sagas the position is minutely described, the 
situation being as well known as that of Greenland. See 
sketches designed to illustrate this statement in the Narra- 
rative and Critical History, vol. i, pp. 117-132. 

' This may perhaps be viewed as an indication of the " north- 
west passage," which in post-Columbian times was supposed 
to be a navigable body of water leading to the Pacific, though 
in this account the name Vinland is loosely applied, whereas 
Vinland lay south of Markland, the present Nova Scotia. 
The student should compare these geographical fragments 
with the geography of Orosius (A. D. 416), translated and 
improved by King Alfred the Great (Cir. 890), and found in 
the ''Jubilee Edition" of his works, marking the one-thou- 
sandth year from his birth. London, 1858, vol. ii, 17-61. 
24 



186 Pee-Columbian Discoveey of America. 

Page 46, contains the only reference to Iceland, but Alfred 
speaks as thougli the country were well known at the time he 
made his translation. This translation is of special interest, 
as Alfred adds much knowledge belonging to his own time, 
and narrates the facts about Ohthere, the Northman, who 
was the most northern inhabitant of his race on the west 
coast of Norway, north of him being the Finns. Ohthere 
made a voyage, the first on record, around the north cape 
into the sea at the eastward. Gardar, the Dane, had seen 
Iceland in 860. On Ohthere, see Hakluyt's " Navigations," 
vol. II, pp. 4-5. Neither Orosius or Alfred could say more 
about the southern part of Africa, than that a land of " bar- 
ren whirling-sand" extended southward to the ocean. It is 
clear that they knew that Africa had been circumnavigated. 



INDEX. 



Abbott, 132,71. 

Adam of Bremen, 104, n. 1. 

Adzer, Archbishop, 27. 

Agamemnon, 58. 

^lian, 10. 

Africa, 181. 

Agassiz, Prof., 96, n. 

Alcock, Robert, 54. 

Alfred, King, 46, 185, n. 3. 

Alfonso, King, 46. 

Alps, 182. 

Allefonsce, 109, n., 183, n. 2. 

Arannd, Bishop, 33. 

Anderson, E., 45, n., 56, ?i. 

Andreas, 32. 

Annales Islandorum Regii, 

47, 48. 
Annales Regii, 178 ; Flatey- 

enses, 178 ; Reseniini, 

178. 
Anson, Lord, 38. 
Antioch, 181. 
Antiquitates Americanae, 22, 

n., 30, n. 2. 
Apostogon Hills, 95, n. 
Apulia, 107. 
Arthur, King, 22, n. 
Archseologia, Americana, 88, 

n. 
Archer, 97, n., 98, n. 
Argyle, Marquis of, 64, n. 
Aristotle, 11. 
Arnold, Bishop, 28. 
Arnold, Gov. Benedict, 69, n. 



Asbrand, ; Biorn, of 

Kamb, 163. 
Asia, 180; Minor, Arthur, 

23, n. 
Aslak, 

Assonet Neck, 67. 
Athelstane, 36. 
Atlantis, 11. 
Avalldania, 135, 144. 
Azore, Island, 162, n. 

Babylon, 181. 

Bacaloa, Islands of, 178, n. 3. 

Balder, 125, n. 

Ball's River, 35. 

Bavaria, 184. 

Bancroft, George, 41, 42, 43, 

64, n. 1. 
Bardarson, Ivar, 30, 74, see 

Ivar Bert. 
Bartholomew, the Apostle. 

180. 
Beacon, Mr. Joseph, 116, n. 
Beamish, 87. 
Blarney Island, 90. 
Bede, the Venerable, 22, n. 
Bergen, 184. 
Bellinger, 109, n. 
Behaim, 181, n. 
Bert, Ivar, xxxi, 12, n. 
Bethencourt, 14. 
Bible, Guyot, 46. 
Biarne, Heriulfson, 60, 86, 88, 

89. 



188 



Index. 



Biarne, Bishop, 145. 

Biarney, Isle, 122. 

Biorn, Asbrandson Breidavi- 

kiiig, 163; exiled, 163; 

returns, 164; goes 

abroad, 174. 
Biarmeland, 184. 
Blsesark, 84. 

Blue Hills, 132, n. 2, 143, n. 3. 
Boccaccio, 46. 
Bork, the Fat, 164. 
Bodlish, J. P., 10. 
Boston Hai'bor, 109, ?i. 
Bougainville, 12. 
Bory, de St. Yincent, 14. 
Bradford, 26, n. 
Brage, 125, n. 
Brattahlid, 25. 
Brereton, 95, n. 
Bristol, 51. 

Brown, Marie A., 56, n. 2. 
Broughton, 16. 
Brun, Malte, 70, n. 
Bulgaria, 182. 
Bull, Papal, 25, n. 1. 
Burnet, 64, n. 
Brynirlfson, Dr., 29. 
Buzzard's Bay, 98, n. 2, 124, 

n. 4. 
Byggemane, William, 51. 

Cabot, 46, 111, n. 

Cadiz, 11, 12. 

Canaria, 13. 

Canary Islands, 12. 

Canute, 36. 

Canynges, 51. 

Cape Cod, 46, 95 ; old ship 

at, 96. 
Cape Sable, 95, n. 
Cape Malabar, 98. 
Capraria, 13. 
Cartier, 85, n. 
Chaplains, 14. 
Chatham, 96. 



CJiaucer, 54. 

Christian III, 34. 

Christ, 12. 

Christophersen, Claudius, 25. 

Claudian, 17. 

Clarendon, Lord, 64, n. 

Cleasby, 101, w,. 

Cock Lane Ghost, 63. 

Colseus, 11. 

Colonization of Greenland, 

24 ; of Iceland, 19. 
Columbus, 41, 47, 53, 54, 56, 
. 90,?i., 136,71. 1,156,71. 3. 
Constantinople, 35. 
Crantor, 11. 
Crantz, 33, 34, 110, n. 
Crete, 182. 
Cronica General de Espana, 

46. 
Cross, worshiped, 70, 7i. 
Crossness, 110, 113, n. 3. 
Cuba, 55, n. 
Culdees, 23. 
Cyprus, 182. 

Dagmalstad, 99, n. 4. 
Danforth, Dr., 65, n. 
Darien, Isthmus of, 160. 
Dasent, 35, 59, 7i. 1, 102, 7i. 
Deane, Dr., 58. 
De Barros, 14, n. 
De Costa, 23, n. 
De Fries, Kev., 29. 
Denmark, 182. 
Dicuil, 22, n. 
Dighton Kock, 65, 122. 
Diman, Prof., 65, n. 1. 
Disco, 90, n. 1. 
Discrepancies, in Sagas, 92, n. 

1. 
Donsk tunga, 19. 
Doomsday Book, 45, 73, 195. 
Drapstock, 21, 23. 
Drift-wood, 76, 7i. 
Drogeo, 51. , 



Index. 



189 



Dublin, 164. 

Dudley, Lieut. Gov., 99, n. 3. 

Dungannou, Lord, 18, n. 

Eddas, 46. 

Early Christianity in Amer- 
ica, traces of, 15. 

Earth, brief description of, 
180. 

Easton, Peter, 69, n. 

Edward III, 14, n., 48. 

Egede, Rev. Hans, 33, ?i., 
110, n. 

Egypt, 181. 

Einar, son of Sokke, 28. 

Eindridesuden, the ship, 179. 

Elysium, 12, 

England, 183. 

Enghsh, 48, 49, 50. 

Ephesus, 181. 

Eric, Bishop, 28, 64. 

Eric, the Red, 24, 25 ; goes 
to Greenland, 79, 85, 87 ; 
resolves to seek new 
land, 78; banished, 78; 
returns to Greenland, 79 ; 
accident, 93. 

Ericsfiord, 25. 

Ericson, Thorvald, 46 ; goes to 
Yinland, 108 ; his death, 
110 ; Thorstein sails for 
Yinland, 112 ; returns, 
113; his death, 116. 

Erie, Bishop Upse, 178. 

Erlandson, 22, 73, 118. 

Esquimaux, 130, n. 3. 

Estotiland, 51, 110, n. 

Euphrates, 181. 

Europe, 180. 

Eyktarstad, 99, 100. 

Eyrbyggia Saga, 163. 

Feather Islands, 178. 
Fenris, 125, w. 2. 
Finboge, 151-153. 



Finnmark, 182. 

Fish, Sacred, 128. 

Flato, island of, 40. 

Florida, 162-184, n. 

Forsark, Thorkel, swims for 
a sheep, 91. 

Fortunate Isles, 121. 

Foster-father, 101, n. 

Fossils, 93, n. 3. 

Fragments, geographical, 180. 

France, 1^2. 

Frederick, bishop, 79. 

Frey, 125, n. 

Freydis, 151 ; sails for Yin- 
land, 152; quarrels with 
the company, 153 ; mur- 
ders the brothers and 
their company, 154 ; re- 
turns to Greenland, 154. 

Friesland, 182. 

Frithiofs Saga, 21, n., 122, n. 

Frobisher, 34, n. 

Froude, 54. 

Erode, the Wise, 73. 

Froda, 21. 

Erode, Ari, 45. 

Puerteventura, 14. 

Galfidus, 23, ?i. 
Galdrakin, Thorgrim, 170. 
Ganges, 181. 
Gardar, 19, 28, 185. 
Gaspe, 70, w. 

Geographical Fragments, 180. 
Geoffrey, of Monmouth, 23, 

n. 
Germany, 182. 
Genesis, Book of, 181, 7i. 1. 
Ginnungagah, 185. 
Girava, 52, n. 2. 
Gisli, the Outlaw, 83. 
Gissur, the White, 26, 7i. 
Glacial man, 111, n. 
Globe, of Rouen, 52. 
Gnupson, Bishop Eric, 27. 



190 



Index. 



Goodrich, 56, n. 1. 

Godthaab, 27. 

Goe, Mouth of, 76. 

Gomera, 14. 

Gornbornese-Skare, 74, n.; 
see Gunnbioru's Rocks. 

Gosnold, 95, n. 1, 123, n. 2. 

Gould, Sabine-Baring, 43, n. 

Graah, Captain, 27. 

Grammaticiis, Saxo, 46, 66. 

Grapes, 54. 

Gravier, Gabriel, 55. 

Greece, 182. 

Greenland, discovery of, 25 ; 
progress of, 25 ; tributary 
to Norway, 26 ; church 
organized in, 27 ; monu- 
ments and ruins, 28, 85 ; 
explorations in, 31; trade 
of, 32 ; last bishop of, 
32 ; decline of, 32 ; lost 
Greenland found, 34 ; 
Queen Margaret prohib- 
its trade, 34 ; Christi- 
anity introduced, 85. 

Greenlander, Jon., 33. 

Gregoi'y, 25, n. 1. 

Grettir, Saga, 43, n. 

Grimhild, 114. 

Grimolfson, Biarne, 137 ; lost 
in the Worm Sea, 137, 
145. 

Gripla, 184. 

Gudlaugson, Gudleif, 174 ; 
carried to sea, 175. 

Gudrid, 81 ; second mar- 
riage, 113, 115; goes to 
Vinland, 51, 64, 72; 
goes to Rome, 156, n. 

Guiscard, Roger, 35, n. 1. 

Gwyneth, Owen, 17, n. 

Gunnbiorn, 24, 25, 73, 74, 
79 ; his rocks, 61, 74, n. 
2, 75; money found at, 
75. 



Hafgerdingar, 60, 86, 90. 

Hake, 123, 139. 

Haldor, 31. 

Halifax, 95. 

Hallbera, Fru, Abbess of 

Stad, 151. 
Hallfrid, 150. 
Halmund, 43, n. 
Hackluyt, 23, n., 33, n. 4. 
Haddon, John de, 49. 
Hanno, 12. 

Harfagr, Harold, 19, 24. 
Hardicanute, 36. 
Harold, The Stern, 36. 
Harvard College, 65, n. 
Head-brink, 169, n. 
Head, Sir Edmund, 39, w. , 145. 
Hebrides, 165. 
Heimdal, 125, n. 2. 
Hekia, 123, 139. 
Heimskringla, 36, 37, 45, 46. 
Hela, 125, n. 2. 
Helge, 151; sailed for Vin- 

land, 152; murdered, 153. 
Helluland, 89, w., 94, 122. 
Henry V, 49. 
Henningson, Magnus, 34. 
Heriulfson, Biarne, 86 ; goes 

to Norway, '^''o ; goes to 

Greenland, 87 ; sees new 

land, 88. 
Hesperides, 12. 
Hialte, 26, n. 2, 106. 
Hiatus, 109, n. 
Hispania, 182. 
History, Nar. and Crit., 16, 

n. 1. 
Historiske Mindesmaerker, 

Gronland's, 73. 
Horsford. Prof., 38, n. 
Hoby, m. 
Homer, 11. 
Honey Dew, 97, n. 
Hop, 127-143 ; see Mt. Hope. 
Horn, 45, n. 



Index. 



191 



Horses, 113, n. 5. 
Hortado, 133, n. 2. 
Howitt, W. and M., 45, n. 
Hume, 22, n., 155. 
Hiisasnotru, 81, 7i. 
Hvalso, 91. 
Humboldt, 47, 54, 57. 
Hvalsofiord, 91. 
Hudson, Henry, 74, n. 2. 
Hvidserk, 185.' 
Hymn to Tlior, 125. 

Iceland, discovery, 19 ; col- 
onization, 20; birds of, 
20 ; mammalia, 20 ; date 
of manuscripts, 40 ; the 
Saga-men, 44; The Ed- 
das, 46. 

Idmia, 125, n. 

Igalliko, 29, 68. 

Indians, Gaspe, 71, 7i., 110. 

Ingigerd, 76. 

Ingolf, 20. 

Inventio Fortunata, 23, n,, 
49, n. 

Ion a. Isles of, 23. 

Ireland, 165. 

Ireland the Great, 33, n., 135. 

Irish Monks, 22 ; books, bells 
and croziers of, 22, 162. 

Irving, Washington, 43, n. 

Islands, Blessed, 12. 

Island, the, 95, 141. 

Islands, Greek, 181. 

Isle of Currents, 139 ; Nau- 
set, 95, n. 1, 96, 123, 7i.; 
of Sable, 122, n. 

Isles, of America, 16 ; of the 
Blessed, 10. 

Isleif, 106. 

Italy, 182. 

Jardar, 24. 

Jerusalem, 181. 

John, the Apostle, 181. 



Johnson, Biorn, 118. 
Johnson, Dr., 63. 
Jomsberg, Yikings, 164. 
Jones, Inigo, 69, n. 
Juba II, 12, 13. 
Julian's Hope, 29. 
Juno, Temple of, 14. 
Junonia, 13. 
Jupiter, 125, n. 2. 
John, Bishop, 150. 

Kalbrunarskald, Thormod, 75. 

Kallstegg, 22, n. 

Kanitsok, 68. 

Karkortok, 28, 68. 

Karlsefne, ; Thornfinn, 62, 
Q6, 119, 71. / goes to 
Greenland, 49; marriage, 
121, 145 ; sails for Vin- 
land, 117, 137; sails past 
Wonderstrand, 124, 138 ; 
trades, 129, 147; battle 
with natives, 130 ; kills 
some Skrsellings, 132 ; 
returns to Greenland, 
144; goes to Iceland, 
150 ; family line, 150. 

Kendal, A. E., 67. 

Keyser, Prof., 80, n. 

Kialarness, 105, 141, n. 

Kiarten, 167. 

King, Christian II, 34 ; 
Christian III, 34; Fred- 
eric II, 34; Harold, 36, 
44, Juba II, 13; Mag- 
nus, 31 ; Olaf the Saint, 
36 ; Olaf Tryggvesson, 
25 ; his swimming match, 
36; ship of, 37; Nebu- 
chadnezzar, 181. 

Kingiktorsoak, 29. 

Kingsborough, 15. 

Kodranson, Thorvold, 79. 

Kolgrimssou, Hroar, 29. 

Krage, Ulf, 24. 



192 



Index. 



Kroksfiardarheidi, 31, 

Labrador, 88, n. 

Laing, 38, 55, 66. 

Lake, 98 ; houses built at, 98. 

Lancerote, 14. 

Landa-Rolf, 179. 

Landnama Book, 20, 21, 61, 
73. 

Llangollen, 17, n. 

Lancaster, Sound of, 31. 

Lakes, 127, n. 2. 

Law of matrimony, 154, n. 2. 

Leamington, 69. 

Leclerc, Father, 70, n. 

Lescarbot, 111, n. 

Ledehammar, 37. 

Leif, 26, 58, 82; goes to 
Vinland, 91; returns to 
Greenland, 103 ; finds 
shipwrecked sailors, 105, 
107 ; sent to proclaim 
Christianity in Green- 
land, 107; his Booths, 
70, 108, 147, n.; his 
judgment on Frevdis, 
152 ; the Lucky, 107. 

Lelewell, 181, n. 

Literature of Iceland, 42 ; 
Anglo-Saxon, 46 ; of 
France, 46 ; Castilian, 46. 

Lizards, 14. 

Lodge, Henry Cabot, 105, n. 

Lodbrok, Rognar, 49. 

Logman's Annall, 178, 7i. 3. 

Loke, 125, n. 2. 

Lombardland, 182. 

Lombardy, 182. 

Long Serpent, 37. 

Lynn, Nicholas of, 23, n. 

Madoc, 17, 18, n. 
Machin, Robert, 14, n. 
Madeira, 14. 
Madr, m. 



Maelstrom, 87, n. 

Magnus, Olaus, 31, 39, 104. 

Magnussen, Prof. Finn, 29, 

46, 53, 73, 93, n. 2, 161. 
Magnolia, 116, n. 
Maine, 52, n. 
Major, 13, 14. 
Malte Brun, 70, n., 100, n. 
Manamoyake Bay, 96, n. 
Manuscripts, date of, 64. 
Manvel, Juan, 46. 
Mare Oceanum, 1S5. 
Martin, Sir Thos. and Lady, 

18, n. 
Margaret, Queen, 33. 
Mauro, Fra, 181, ti. 3. 
Marana, John Paul, 17. 
Markland, 14, 122, 138. 
Mars, Vigdis, 29. 
Marson, Are, 62, 73, 159. 
Martha's Vineyard, 105, 124, 

n. 5. 
Massachusetts, 108, n. 
Massur Wood, 103. 
Mather, Dr. Cotton, 65, n. 1, 

115, n.-3, 129, n., 133. 
Mathieson, 29. 
May, John, 50, 55. 
Mauritania, 12. 
Mediterranean, 181. 
Merry Mount, 99, n. 3. 
Mexico, British Language in, 

17. 
Midgard, 125, n. 
Miklagard, 182. 
Milesieus, 16, n. 
Mill, Newport, m, '67, 68 ; 

Chesterton,' 69. 
Mindesmaerker, Greenland's, 

78, 86. 
Minor Narratives, 159. 
Missionaries, French, 70, n. 
Money found, 75. 
Morse, Abner, 71, n. 
Monhegan, 67, n. 



Index. 



193 



Moore, 16. 

Morton, ISTew-Englisb Cana- 
an, 99, n. 3. 

Mount Desert, 64, n. 

Mount Hope Bay, 98, n. 3, 
146, n. 2, 153, n. 

Monumenta Juridica, 61, n. 

Muller, Max, 6, 47, 135, n. 2. 

Nadodd, 19. 

ISTan tucket, 139, n. 4. 

ITavarrete, 55, n. 2. 

Neprass, Hergill, 160. 

Newfoundland, 89, n. 

Newport, 69, n. 

Niail, 16. 

Nicholas of Lynn, 23, n. 

Nile, 181. 

Nineveh, 180. 

Nivaria, 13. 

Noah, M., 15, n. 

Nome, the, 103, n. 

Nordrsetur, 31. 

North American Review, 5, 

60, n., 65, 92, n. 1. 
Northmen, 18; character and 

achievements of, 35 ; 

ships of, 36 ; colonize 

Greenland, 36 ; discover 

America, 39. 
Northmen, in Maine, 52, n. 
Nova Scotia, 105. 
Norombega, 184, n. 
Norway, 182. 
Nutmegs, 104. 
Nyja, 179, n. 
Nyja Land, 104, n. 
Nyjafundu-land, 178. 

Ohthere, 186. 

Odvssey, 11, n. 4. 

Oddson, Eiudrid, 30. 

Odin, 125, n. 2. 
, O'Halloran, 16, n. 2. 
'^Olaf, the King, 25, 36, 37, 82. 
25 



Olaf, the Saint, 36. 
Old Mill, 69, n. 
Ombrios, 13. 
Orosius, 185, n. 3. 
Orkneys, 23, n., 165. 
Otis, Amos, 96, n. 
Owen, Rev. H. T., 17, n. 
1. 

Paley, Dr. 64, n. 

Palfrey, 57, 69. 

Raima, 13. 

Rapey, Island of, 22. 

Rapyh, Island of, 22. 

Paradise, 181. 

Rarentals, 166. 

Parry, 29, 31. 

Peak of TenerifFe, 13. 

Pelham, Edward, 69, n. 

Penguin Islands, 178, n. 

Peringskiold, 42, n., 100, n.^ 

103, n. 2. 
Peter, the Apostle, 181. 
Peyrere, 25, 33. 
Pharaoh Necho, 12. 
Rhenicians, 11. 
Pigot, John, 51. 
Rhoenius, 16, n. 2. 
Pittston, 

Pillars of Hercules, 11. 
Pison, 181. 
Plato, 11. 

Pliny, 13, 128, n. 1. 
Pluviala, 13. 
Plutarch, 14. 
Plymouth Colonists, 46. 
Point Alderton, 109. 
Point Care, 95, n. 1. 
Point Gilbert, 95, n. 1, 96, 

109, 123, n. 
Popham, George, 104, n. 
Port Haldiman, 29. 
Porto Santo, 14. 
Priests of Sais, 11. 
Portsmouth Rocks, 67. 



194 



Index. 



Pludala, 13. 

Prince of Wales, 17, n. 

Prince Henry the Navigator, 

11, 13, 14. 
Prince Madoc, 17, 18, n. 
Ptolem}^ 33, n., 53, 182, n. 2. 
Purpurarise, 13. 
Purchas, 20, n. 2, 74, n. 

Queen Margaret, 34. 

Pace Point, 40, n. 

Rafn, Prof., 7, 16,33,57,68; 

the Limerick merchant, 

163. 
Rask, Professor, 29. 
Randulf, 39. 
Red, Thorkell, 76. 
Red-beard ; see Thor. 
Reikiavik, 21, 74, n. 2. 
Rhine, 182. 
Robin, the, 125, n. 2. 
Rimbegla, 133, n. 2. 
Roger Gruiscard, 35. 
Rollo, 36. 
Rome, 115, n. 2. 
Round Table, 2. 
Runic Letters, on an oar, 34 ; 

age of Alphabet, 42 ; in 

Grettir Saga, 43, n. 
Ruins, in Greenland, 68. 
Runolfson, Bishop Thorlak, 

145, 150. 
Russia, 182. 
Rymer, 48. 

Santarem, 181, n. 2. 
Ssemund the Wise, 45. 
Sagadahoc, 104, n. 
Sagas, 40. 

St. Asaph, Bishop of, 23, n. 
St. Angustine, 133, n. 
St. Brandon, 42. 
St. Columba, 10; St. Pat- 
rick, 16. 



St. John, 64. 

St. Martin, Yivien, 12. 

St. Nicholas, 185. 

St. Paul, 64. 

St. Thomas, 15. 

Salmon, 99. 

Saxony, 184. 

Schoning, 162, n. 

Schoolcraft, Henry. ^^^ n. 

Scotland, 183. 

Scots, 16, n. 2, 123, 139. 

Sea of Darkness, 10. 

Seaconnet, 127. 

Seat, Episcopal, 184 ; of Gar- 

dar, 185. 
Sebosus, 12. 
Sertorius, 12. 
Setstakkar, 21, n. 
Shay, J. G., 56, n. 2. 
Shawanese Indians, 162, n. 
Shields, 128, 130, 143. 
Sicily, 182. 

Sighvatson, Erling, 30. 
Shafting, 37. 
Skalhot, Bishop of, 33. 
Skardfa, Biaeren von, 33. 
Skeleton in armor, 70, n. 
Skialdespilder, Eyvind, 44. 
Society, Oath. His., 10, n. 
Skolnus, 52. 
Skrsellings, 31, 85, 110, n. 2, 

129. 
Slaves, 123, 139. 
Sloop Mary, 97, n. 
Slut Bush, 96. 
Smsellingar, 41, n. 
Smalenskia, 110. 
Smith, Capt. John, 95, w./ 

Joshua Toulmin, 161 ; 

Mr. Philip, 116, n. 
Smith's Dialogues, 111, n. 
Snaebiorn, Galte, 75 ; killed, 

77. 
Snow, 143. 
Snowland, 19. 



Index. 



195 



Sorysbi, Henry, 51. 

South Islands, 90. 

Sokke, 27. 

Solon, 11. 

Speculum Regali, 39. 

Stserbiorn, 75. 

Stafbolt, 13. 

Standish, Miles, 99, n. 3. 

Standard, London, 17, n. 

Statins Sebosus, 12. 

Stilicbo, 16, n. 1. 

Stone age, 131, 149. 

Strabo, 12. 

Sturleson, 42, n. 

Styrbiorn, 171. 

Stream Bay, 132, 139, 143. 

Stow, 48. 

Stnf, the Skald, 44. 

Styrmer, 73. 

Sukkei'oppen, 27. 

Superstition, 115, n. 3. 

Sweden, 103. 

Tacitus, 17. 

Taunton, 127. 

Thaliessin, 21, n. 

Tbor, 102, 125, 141. 

Thorberg, 37, n. 

Thorbrandson, 131. 

Thorbjorg, 81, n. 

Thorer the Eastman, 113. 

Thorfinn, Earl of the Ork- 
neys, 163. 

Thorhall the Hunter, 124, 
137, 141. 

Thorhild, her church, 26. 

Thorlacins, Bishop. 101, n. 

Thorod, 76. 

Thorstein Black, 114. 

Thor, son of Eric, 108. 

Theopompus, 10. 

Thurid, 121; of Fro da, 
165. 

Timber cut, 103. 

Tiverton Koek, 67. 



Torfeeus, works of, 30, n. 3, 

57, 99, n. 3. 
Tradition, Indian, 67, n. 
Traditions, 15. 
Turkish Spy, 17. 
Tyrians, 15. 
Tyrker, 94, 102. 
Thyle, Ultima, 53. 

Ulf Krage, 78, 84. 
Unipeds, 133. 
Uv£ege, 135, 144. 

Yalldidia, 135, 144. 

Valgerda, 151. 

Yathelldi, 135. 

Vardlokur, 81, n. 

Vatican, 156, n. 

Verrazano, 33, n., 67, n. 

Yikings, 39, n. 

Yilgerdson, Flokke, 47. 

Villehardouin, 46. 

Yinland, 26, 104, 107, 108, 
121, 141, 185. 

Vivien de St. Martin, 12. 

Voyages — Eric the Red, 77 ; 
Biarne, 86; Leif's, 91; 
Thorald's, 108; Thor- 
stein' s, 112; Karlsefne's, 
117; Freydis, 151; 
Helge, 151 ; Finboge, 
151; Marson's, 139; As- 
brandson's, 163; Gud- 
laugson's, 100-13; noti- 
ces of, 177. 

Wafer, 160, n. 
Walkendorf, Archbishop 

Eric, 35. 
Webb's Island, 97, n. 
Webb, Dr., 67, n. 
Westmann Islands, 49, 50. 
Weston, Richard, 51. 
Winter, 113, n. 5. 
White, the W. L., 179, n. 



196 



Index . 



Winsor, Justin, 16, n. 1 ; 

History, 59, n. 2. 
Whales, m, 141. 
Wheat, 103, 123, 127, 147. 
White-man's land, 135, 159, 

160. 
Williams, John, 17. 
Williamson, 70, n. 
Winland, 104, n. 1. 
Wine, 104, n. 1. 
Winthrop, Prof., 65, n. 
Wonder-strand, 96, n., 97. 



Woodrow, 64, n. 
Worraius, 33. 
Worm Sea, 136, 144. 
Writing Rock; see Dighton 
Rock. 

Yule, 120, n. 

Yucatan, 9, n. 

York, Archbishop of, 49. 

Zeno, 51 ; map, 52. 












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